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rules。 And； while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of
Congress as proper to be enforced； I do suggest that it will be much
safer for all； both in official and private stations； to conform to
and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed； than to violate
any of them； trusting to find impunity in having them held to be
unconstitutional。
It is seventy…two years since the first inauguration of a President
under our national Constitution。 During that period fifteen
different and greatly distinguished citizens have； in succession；
administered the executive branch of the Government。 They have
conducted it through many perils； and generally with great success。
Yet； with all this scope of precedent； I now enter upon the same task
for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and
peculiar difficulty。 A disruption of the Federal Union； heretofore
only menaced； is now formidably attempted。
I hold that； in contemplation of universal law and of the
Constitution； the Union of these States is perpetual。 Perpetuity is
implied； if not expressed； in the fundamental law of all national
governments。 It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had
a provision in its organic law for its own termination。 Continue to
execute all the express provisions of our national Constitution； and
the Union will endure foreverit being impossible to destroy it
except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself。
Again； if the United States be not a government proper； but an
association of States in the nature of contract merely； can it as a
contract be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made
it？ One party to a contract may violate itbreak it； so to speak；
but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it？
Descending from these general principles； we find the proposition
that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the
history of the Union itself。 The Union is much older than the
Constitution。 It was formed； in fact； by the Articles of Association
in 1774。 It was matured and continued by the Declaration of
Independence in 1776。 It was further matured； and the faith of all
the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it
should be perpetual； by the Articles of Confederation in 1778。 And；
finally； in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining and
establishing the Constitution was 〃to form a more perfect Union。〃
But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the
States be lawfully possible； the Union is less perfect than before
the Constitution； having lost the vital element of perpetuity。
It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion
can lawfully get out of the Union； that resolves and ordinances to
that effect are legally void； and that acts of violence； within any
State or States； against the authority of the United States； are
insurrectionary or revolutionary； according to circumstances。
I therefore consider that； in view of the Constitution and the laws；
the Union is unbroken； and to the extent of my ability I shall take
care； as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me； that the
laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States。 Doing
this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part； and I shall perform
it so far as practicable； unless my rightful masters； the American
people； shall withhold the requisite means； or in some authoritative
manner direct the contrary。 I trust this will not be regarded as a
menace； but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will
constitutionally defend and maintain itself。
In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence； and there
shall be none； unless it be forced upon the national authority。 The
power confided to me will be used to hold； occupy； and possess the
property and places belonging to the Government； and to collect the
duties and imposts； but beyond what may be necessary for these
objects； there will be no invasion； no using of force against or
among the people anywhere。 Where hostility to the United States； in
any interior locality； shall be so great and universal as to prevent
competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices； there
will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for
that object。 While the strict legal right may exist in the
government to enforce the exercise of these offices； the attempt to
do so would be so irritating； and so nearly impracticable withal；
that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such
offices。
The mails； unless repelled； will continue to be furnished in all
parts of the Union。 So far as possible； the people everywhere shall
have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm
thought and reflection。 The course here indicated will be followed
unless current events and experience shall show a modification or
change to be proper； and in every case and exigency my best
discretion will be exercised according to circumstances actually
existing； and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the
national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and
affections。
That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy
the Union at all events； and are glad of any pretext to do it； I will
neither affirm nor deny； but if there be such； I need address no word
to them。 To those； however； who really love the Union may I not
speak？
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our
national fabric； with all its benefits； its memories； and its hopes；
would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it？ Will you
hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any
portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence？ Will you；
while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones
you fly fromwill you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake？
All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights
can be maintained。 Is it true； then； that any right； plainly written
in the Constitution； has been denied？ I think not。 Happily the human
mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of
doing this。 Think； if you can； of a single instance in which a
plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied。
If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority
of any clearly written constitutional right； it might； in a moral
point of view； justify revolutioncertainly would if such a right
were a vital one。 But such is not our case。 All the vital rights of
minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by
affirmations and negations； guaranties and prohibitions； in the
Constitution； that controversies never arise concerning them。 But no
organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically
applicable to every question which may occur in practical
administration。 No foresight can anticipate； nor any document of
reasonable length contain； express provisions for all possible
questions。 Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or
by State authority？ The Constitution does not expressly say。 May
Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories？ The Constitution does
not expressly say。 Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories？
The Constitution does not expressly say。
》From questions of this class spring all our constitutional
controversies； and we divide upon them into majorities and
minorities。 If the minority will not acquiesce； the majority must；
or the Government must cease。 There is no other alternative； for
continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other。
If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce； they
make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them； for a
minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority