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section from which I came and the people here； is dependent upon a
misunderstanding of one another。 I therefore avail myself of this
opportunity to assure you； Mr。 Mayor； and all the gentlemen present；
that I have not now； and never have had； any other than as kindly
feelings toward you as to the people of my own section。 I have not
now； and never have had； any disposition to treat you in any respect
otherwise than as my own neighbors。 I have not now any purpose to
withhold from you any of the benefits of the Constitution； under any
circumstances； that I would not feel myself constrained to withhold
from my own neighbors； and I hope； in a word； that when we shall
become better acquaintedand I say it with great confidencewe
shall like each other better。 I thank you for the kindness of this
reception。
REPLY TO A SERENADE AT WASHINGTON； D。C。；
FEBRUARY 28； 1861
MY FRIENDS：I suppose that I may take this as a compliment paid to
me； and as such please accept my thanks for it。 I have reached this
city of Washington under circumstances considerably differing from
those under which any other man has ever reached it。 I am here for
the purpose of taking an official position amongst the people； almost
all of whom were politically opposed to me； and are yet opposed to
me； as I suppose。
I propose no lengthy address to you。 I only propose to say； as I did
on yesterday； when your worthy mayor and board of aldermen called
upon me； that I thought much of the ill feeling that has existed
between you and the people of your surroundings and that people from
among whom I came； has depended； and now depends； upon a
misunderstanding。
I hope that； if things shall go along as prosperously as I believe we
all desire they may； I may have it in my power to remove something of
this misunderstanding； that I may be enabled to convince you； and the
people of your section of the country； that we regard you as in all
things our equals； and in all things entitled to the same respect and
the same treatment that we claim for ourselves； that we are in no
wise disposed； if it were in our power； to oppress you； to deprive
you of any of your rights under the Constitution of the United
States； or even narrowly to split hairs with you in regard to these
rights； but are determined to give you； as far as lies in our hands；
all your rights under the Constitutionnot grudgingly； but fully and
fairly。 I hope that； by thus dealing with you； we will become better
acquainted； and be better friends。
And now； my friends； with these few remarks； and again returning my
thanks for this compliment； and expressing my desire to hear a little
more of your good music； I bid you good…night。
WASHINGTON； SUNDAY； MARCH 3； 1861
＇During the struggle over the appointments of LINCOLN's Cabinet； the
President…elect spoke as follows：＇
Gentlemen； it is evident that some one must take the responsibility
of these appointments； and I will do it。 My Cabinet is completed。
The positions are not definitely assigned； and will not be until I
announce them privately to the gentlemen whom I have selected as my
Constitutional advisers。
FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS；
MARCH 4； 1861
FELLOW…CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES：In compliance with a custom as
old as the Government itself； I appear before you to address you
briefly； and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the
Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President
〃before he enters on the execution of his office。〃
I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those
matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or
excitement。
Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States
that by the accession of a Republican administration their property
and their peace and personal security are to be endangered。 There
has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension。 Indeed；
the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and
been open to their inspection。 It is found in near1y all the
published speeches of him who now addresses you。 I do but quote from
one of those speeches when I declare that
〃I have no purpose； directly or indirectly； to interfere with the
institution of slavery in the States where it exists。 I believe I
have no lawful right to do so； and I have no inclination to do so。〃
Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I
had made this and many similar declarations； and had never recanted
them。 And； more than this； they placed in the platform for my
acceptance； and as a law to themselves and to me； the clear and
emphatic resolution which I now read：
〃Resolved； That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the
States； and especially the right of each State to order and control
its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment
exclusively； is essential to that balance of power on which the
perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend； and we
denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State
or Territory； no matter under what pretext； as amongst the gravest of
crimes。〃
I now reiterate these sentiments； and； in doing so； I only press upon
the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case
is susceptible； that the property； peace； and security of no section
are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration。
I add； too； that all the protection which； consistently with the
Constitution and the laws； can be given； will be cheerfully given to
all the States when lawfully demanded； for whatever causeas
cheerfully to one section as to another。
There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from
service or labor。 The clause I now read is as plainly written in the
Constitution as any other of its provisions：
〃No person held to service or labor in one State； under the laws
thereof； escaping into another； shall in consequence of any law or
regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor； but
shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or
labor may be due。〃
It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those
who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves； and
the intention of the lawgiver is the law。 All members of Congress
swear their support to the whole Constitutionto this provision as
much as to any other。 To the proposition； then； that slaves whose
cases come within the terms of this clause 〃shall be delivered up；〃
their oaths are unanimous。 Now； if they would make the effort in
good temper； could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and
pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath？
There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be
enforced by national or by State authority； but surely that
difference is not a very material one。 If the slave is to be
surrendered； it can be of but little consequence to him or to others
by which authority it is done。 And should any one in any case be
content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial
controversy as to how it shall be kept？
Again； in any law upon this subject； ought not all the safeguards of
liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced；
so that a free man be not； in any case； surrendered as a slave？ And
might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the
enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that
〃the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and
immunities of citizens in the several States〃？
I take the official oath to…day with no mental reservations； and with
no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical
rules。 And； while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of
Congress as