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YORKSHIRE； sent to the expedition against SICILY near forty
thousand men。 DIONYSIUS the elder； it is said； maintained a
standing army of a hundred thousand foot and ten thousand horse；
besides a large fleet of four hundred sail； though his
territories extended no farther than the city of SYRACUSE； about
a third of the island of SICILY； and some sea…port towns and
garrisons on the coast of ITALY and ILLYRICUM。 It is true； the
ancient armies； in time of war； subsisted much upon plunder： But
did not the enemy plunder in their turn？ which was a more ruinous
way of levying a tax； than any other that could be devised。 In
short； no probable reason can be assigned for the great power of
the more ancient states above the modern； but their want of
commerce and luxury。 Few artizans were maintained by the labour
of the farmers； and therefore more soldiers might live upon it。
LIVY says； that ROME； in his time； would find it difficult to
raise as large an army as that which； in her early days； she sent
out against the GAULS and LATINS。 Instead of those soldiers who
fought for liberty and empire in CAMILLUS'S time； there were； in
AUGUSTUS'S days； musicians； painters； cooks； players； and
tailors； and if the land was equally cultivated at both periods；
it could certainly maintain equal numbers in the one profession
as in the other。 They added nothing to the mere necessaries of
life； in the latter period more than in the former。
It is natural on this occasion to ask； whether sovereigns may
not return to the maxims of ancient policy； and consult their own
interest in this respect； more than the happiness of their
subjects？ I answer； that it appears to me； almost impossible； and
that because ancient policy was violent； and contrary to the more
natural and usual course of things。 It is well known with what
peculiar laws SPARTA was governed； and what a prodigy that
republic is justly esteemed by every one； who has considered
human nature as it has displayed itself in other nations； and
other ages。 Were the testimony of history less positive and
circumstantial； such a government would appear a mere
philosophical whim or fiction； and impossible ever to be reduced
to practice。 And though the ROMAN and other ancient republics
were supported on principles somewhat more natural； yet was there
an extraordinary concurrence of circumstances to make them submit
to such grievous burthens。 They were free states； they were small
ones； and the age being martial； all their neighbours were
continually in arms。 Freedom naturally begets public spirit；
especially in small states； and this public spirit； this amor
patriae； must encrease； when the public is almost in continual
alarm； and men are obliged； every moment； to expose themselves to
the greatest dangers for its defence。 A continual succession of
wars makes every citizen a soldier： He takes the field in his
turn： And during his service he is chiefly maintained by himself。
This service is indeed equivalent to a heavy tax； yet is it less
felt by a people addicted to arms； who fight for honour and
revenge more than pay； and are unacquainted with gain and
industry as well as pleasure。 Not to mention the great equality
of fortunes among the inhabitants of the ancient republics； where
every field； belonging to a different proprietor； was able to
maintain a family； and rendered the numbers of citizens very
considerable； even without trade and manufactures。
But though the want of trade and manufactures； among a free
and very martial people； may sometimes have no other effect than
to render the public more powerful； it is certain； that； in the
common course of human affairs； it will have a quite contrary
tendency。 Sovereigns must take mankind as they find them； and
cannot pretend to introduce any violent change in their
principles and ways of thinking。 A long course of time； with a
variety of accidents and circumstances； are requisite to produce
those great revolutions； which so much diversify the face of
human affairs。 And the less natural any set of principles are；
which support a particular society； the more difficulty will a
legislator meet with in raising and cultivating them。 It is his
best policy to comply with the common bent of mankind； and give
it all the improvements of which it is susceptible。 Now；
according to the most natural course of things； industry and arts
and trade encrease the power of the sovereign as well as the
happiness of the subjects； and that policy is violent； which
aggrandizes the public by the poverty of individuals。 This will
easily appear from a few considerations； which will present to us
the consequences of sloth and barbarity。
Where manufactures and mechanic arts are not cultivated； the
bulk of the people must apply themselves to agriculture； and if
their skill and industry encrease； there must arise a great
superfluity from their labour beyond what suffices to maintain
them。 They have no temptation； therefore； to encrease their skill
and industry； since they cannot exchange that superfluity for any
commodities； which may serve either to their pleasure or vanity。
A habit of indolence naturally prevails。 The greater part of the
land lies uncultivated。 What is cultivated； yields not its utmost
for want of skill and assiduity in the farmers。 If at any time
the public exigencies require； that great numbers should be
employed in the public service； the labour of the people
furnishes now no superfluities； by which these numbers can be
maintained。 The labourers cannot encrease their skill and
industry on a sudden。 Lands uncultivated cannot be brought into
tillage for some years。 The armies； mean while； must either make
sudden and violent conquests； or disband for want of subsistence。
A regular attack or defence； therefore； is not to be expected
from such a people； and their soldiers must be as ignorant and
unskilful as their farmers and manufacturers。
Every thing in the world is purchased by labour； and our
passions are the only causes of labour。 When a nation abounds in
manufactures and mechanic arts； the proprietors of land； as well
as the farmers； study agriculture as a science； and redouble
their industry and attention。 The superfluity； which arises from
their labour； is not lost； but is exchanged with manufactures for
those commodities； which men's luxury now makes them covet。 By
this means； land furnishes a great deal more of the necessaries
of life； than what suffices for those who cultivate it。 In times
of peace and tranquillity； this superfluity goes to the
maintenance of manufacturers； and the improvers of liberal arts。
But it is easy for the public to convert many of these
manufacturers into soldiers； and maintain them by that
superfluity； which arises from the labour of the farmers。
Accordingly we find； that this is the case in all civilized
governments。 When the sovereign raises an army； what is the
consequence？ He imposes a tax。 This tax obliges all the people to
retrench what is least necessary to their subsistence。 Those； who
labour in such commodities； must either enlist in the troops； or
turn themselves to agriculture； and thereby oblige some labourers
to enlist for want of business。 And to consider the matter
abstractedly； manufactures encrease the power of the state only
as they store up so much labour； and that of a kind to which the
public may lay claim； without depriving any one of the
necessaries of life。 The more labour； therefore； is employed
beyond mere necessaries； the more powerful is any state； since
the persons engaged in that labour may easily be converted to the
public service。 In a state without manufactures； there may be the
same number of hands； but there is not the same quantity of
labour； nor of the same kind。 All the labour is there bestowed
upon necessaries； which can admit of little or no abatement。
Thus the greatness of the sovereign and the happiness of the
state are； in a great measure； united with regard to trade and
manufactures。 It is a violent method； and in most cases
impracticable； to oblige the labourer to toil； in order to raise
from the land more than what subsists himself and family。 Furnish
him wi