representative government-第38章

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ny　effect　which　most　forms　of　government　can　produce。　　　It　may；　perhaps；　be　said；　that　a　constitution　which　gives　equal　influence；　man　for　man；　to　the　most　and　to　the　least　instructed；　is　nevertheless　conducive　to　progress；　because　the　appeals　constantly　made　to　the　less　instructed　classes；　the　exercise　given　to　their　mental　powers；　and　the　exertions　which　the　more　instructed　are　obliged　to　make　for　enlightening　their　judgment　and　ridding　them　of　errors　and　prejudices；　are　powerful　stimulants　to　their　advance　in　intelligence。　That　this　most　desirable　effect　really　attends　the　admission　of　the　less　educated　classes　to　some；　and　even　to　a　large　share　of　power；　I　admit；　and　have　already　strenuously　maintained。　But　theory　and　experience　alike　prove　that　a　counter　current　sets　in　when　they　are　made　the　possessors　of　all　power。　Those　who　are　supreme　over　everything；　whether　they　be　One；　or　Few；　or　Many；　have　no　longer　need　of　the　arms　of　reason：　they　can　make　their　mere　will　prevail；　and　those　who　cannot　be　resisted　are　usually　far　too　well　satisfied　with　their　own　opinion　to　be　willing　to　change　them；　or　listen　without　impatience　to　any　one　who　tells　them　that　they　are　in　the　wrong。　The　position　which　gives　the　strongest　stimulus　to　the　growth　of　intelligence　is　that　of　rising　into　power；　not　that　of　having　achieved　it；　and　of　all　resting…points；　temporary　or　permanent；　in　the　way　to　ascendancy；　the　one　which　develops　the　best　and　highest　qualities　is　the　position　of　those　who　are　strong　enough　to　make　reason　prevail；　but　not　strong　enough　to　prevail　against　reason。　This　is　the　position　in　which；　according　to　the　principles　we　have　laid　down；　the　rich　and　the　poor；　the　much　and　the　little　educated；　and　all　the　other　classes　and　denominations　which　divide　society　between　them；　ought　as　far　as　practicable　to　be　placed。　And　by　combining　this　principle　with　the　otherwise　just　one　of　allowing　superiority　of　weight　to　superiority　of　mental　qualities；　a　political　constitution　would　realise　that　kind　of　relative　perfection　which　is　alone　compatible　with　the　complicated　nature　of　human　affairs。

　　In　the　preceding　argument　for　universal；　but　graduated　suffrage；　I　have　taken　no　account　of　difference　of　sex。　I　consider　it　to　be　as　entirely　irrelevant　to　political　rights　as　difference　in　height　or　in　the　colour　of　the　hair。　All　human　beings　have　the　same　interest　in　good　government；　the　welfare　of　all　is　alike　affected　by　it；　and　they　have　equal　need　of　a　voice　in　it　to　secure　their　share　of　its　benefits。　If　there　be　any　difference；　women　require　it　more　than　men；　since；　being　physically　weaker；　they　are　more　dependent　on　law　and　society　for　protection。　Mankind　have　long　since　abandoned　the　only　premises　which　will　support　the　conclusion　that　women　ought　not　to　have　votes。　No　one　now　holds　that　women　should　be　in　personal　servitude；　that　they　should　have　no　thought；　wish；　or　occupation；　but　to　be　the　domestic　drudges　of　husbands；　fathers；　or　brothers。　It　is　allowed　to　unmarried；　and　wants　but　little　of　being　conceded　to　married　women；　to　hold　property；　and　have　pecuniary　and　business　interests；　in　the　same　manner　as　men。　It　is　considered　suitable　and　proper　that　women　should　think　and　write；　and　be　teachers。　As　soon　as　these　things　are　admitted；　the　political　disqualification　has　no　principle　to　rest　on。　The　whole　mode　of　thought　of　the　modern　world　is　with　increasing　emphasis　pronouncing　against　the　claim　of　society　to　decide　for　individuals　what　they　are　and　are　not　fit　for；　and　what　they　shall　and　shall　not　be　allowed　to　attempt。　If　the　principles　of　modern　politics　and　political　economy　are　good　for　anything；　it　is　for　proving　that　these　points　can　only　be　rightly　judged　of　by　the　individuals　themselves　and　that；　under　complete　freedom　of　choice；　wherever　there　are　real　diversities　of　aptitude；　the　great　number　will　apply　themselves　to　the　things　for　which　they　are　on　the　average　fittest；　and　the　exceptional　course　will　only　be　taken　by　the　exceptions。　Either　the　whole　tendency　of　modern　social　improvements　has　been　wrong；　or　it　ought　to　be　carried　out　to　the　total　abolition　of　all　exclusions　and　disabilities　which　close　any　honest　employment　to　a　human　being。　　　But　it　is　not　even　necessary　to　maintain　so　much　in　order　to　prove　that　women　should　have　the　suffrage。　Were　it　as　right；　as　it　is　wrong；　that　they　should　be　a　subordinate　class；　confined　to　domestic　occupations　and　subject　to　domestic　authority；　they　would　not　the　less　require　the　protection　of　the　suffrage　to　secure　them　from　the　abuse　of　that　authority。　Men；　as　well　as　women；　do　not　need　political　rights　in　order　that　they　may　govern；　but　in　order　that　they　may　not　be　misgoverned。　The　majority　of　the　male　sex　are；　and　will　be　all　their　lives；　nothing　else　than　labourers　in　cornfields　or　manufactories；　but　this　does　not　render　the　suffrage　less　desirable　for　them；　nor　their　claim　to　it　less　irresistible；　when　not　likely　to　make　a　bad　use　of　it。　Nobody　pretends　to　think　that　woman　would　make　a　bad　use　of　the　suffrage。　The　worst　that　is　said　is　that　they　would　vote　as　mere　dependents；　the　bidding　of　their　male　relations。　If　it　be　so；　so　let　it　be。　If　they　think　for　themselves；　great　good　will　be　done；　and　if　they　do　not；　no　harm。　It　is　a　benefit　to　human　beings　to　take　off　their　fetters；　even　if　they　do　not　desire　to　walk。　It　would　already　be　a　great　improvement　in　the　moral　position　of　women　to　be　no　longer　declared　by　law　incapable　of　an　opinion；　and　not　entitled　to　a　preference；　respecting　the　most　important　concerns　of　humanity。　There　would　be　some　benefit　to　them　individually　in　having　something　to　bestow　which　their　male　relatives　cannot　exact；　and　are　yet　desirous　to　have。　It　would　also　be　no　small　benefit　that　the　husband　would　necessarily　discuss　the　matter　with　his　wife；　and　that　the　vote　would　not　be　his　exclusive　affair；　but　a　joint　concern。　People　do　not　sufficiently　consider　how　markedly　the　fact　that　she　is　able　to　have　some　action　on　the　outward　world　independently　of　him　raises　her　dignity　and　value　in　a　vulgar　man's　eyes；　and　makes　her　the　object　of　a　respect　which　no　personal　qualities　would　ever　obtain　for　one　whose　social　existence　he　can　entirely　appropriate。　　　The　vote　itself；　too；　would　be　improved　in　quality。　The　man　would　often　be　obliged　to　find　honest　reasons　for　his　vote；　such　as　might　induce　a　more　upright　and　impartial　character　to　serve　with　him　under　the　same　banner。　The　wife's　influence　would　often　keep　him　true　to　his　own　sincere　opinion。　Often；　indeed；　it　would　be　used；　not　on　the　side　of　public　principle；　but　of　the　personal　interest　or　worldly　vanity　of　the　family。　But　wherever　this　would　be　the　tendency　of　the　wife's　influence；　it　is　exerted　to　the　full　already　in　that　bad　direction；　and　with　the　more　certainty；　since　under　the　present　law　and　custom　she　is　generally　too　utter　a　stranger　to　politics　in　any　sense　in　which　they　involve　principle　to　be　able　to　realise　to　herself　that　there　is　a　point　of　honour　in　them；　and　most　people　have　as　little　sympathy　in　the　point　of　honour　of　others；　when　their　own　is　not　placed　in　the　same　thing；　as　they　have　in　the　religious　feelings　of　those　whose　religion　differs　from　theirs。　Give　the　woman　a　vote；　and　she　comes　under　the　operation　of　the　political　point　of　honour。　She　learns　to　look　on　politics　as　a　thing　on　which　she　is　allowed　to　have　an　opinion；　and　in　which　if　one　has　an　opinion　it　ought　to　be　acted　upon；　she　acquires　a　sense　of　personal　accountability　in　the　matter；　and　will　no　longer　feel；　as　she　does　at　present；　that　whatever　amount　of　bad　influence　she　may　exercise；　if　the　man　can　but　be　persuaded；　all　is　right；　and　his　responsibility　covers　all。　It　is　only　by　being　herself　encouraged　to　form　an　opinion；　and　obtain　an　intelligent　comprehension　of　the　reasons　which　ought　to　prevail　with　the　conscience　against　the　temptations　of　personal　or　family　interest；　that　she　can　ever　cease　to　act　as　a　disturbing　force　on　the　political　conscience　of　the　man。　Her　indirect　agency　can　only　be　prevented　from　being　politically　mischievous　by　being　exchanged　for　direct。　　　I　have　supposed　the　right　of　suffrage　to　depend；　as　in　a　good　state　of　things　it　would；　on　personal　conditions。　Where　it　depends；　as　in　this　and　m