representative government-第37章

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　be　asked　to　what　length　the　principle　admits　of　being　carried；　or　how　many　votes　might　be　accorded　to　an　individual　on　the　ground　of　superior　qualifications；　I　answer；　that　this　is　not　in　itself　very　material；　provided　the　distinctions　and　gradations　are　not　made　arbitrarily；　but　are　such　as　can　be　understood　and　accepted　by　the　general　conscience　and　understanding。　But　it　is　an　absolute　condition　not　to　overpass　the　limit　prescribed　by　the　fundamental　principle　laid　down　in　a　former　chapter　as　the　condition　of　excellence　in　the　constitution　of　a　representative　system。　The　plurality　of　votes　must　on　no　account　be　carried　so　far　that　those　who　are　privileged　by　it；　or　the　class　（if　any）　to　which　they　mainly　belong；　shall　outweigh　by　means　of　it　all　the　rest　of　the　community。　The　distinction　in　favour　of　education；　right　in　itself；　is　further　and　strongly　recommended　by　its　preserving　the　educated　from　the　class　legislation　of　the　uneducated；　but　it　must　stop　short　of　enabling　them　to　practise　class　legislation　on　their　own　account。　Let　me　add；　that　I　consider　it　an　absolutely　necessary　part　of　the　plurality　scheme　that　it　be　open　to　the　poorest　individual　in　the　community　to　claim　its　privileges；　if　he　can　prove　that；　in　spite　of　all　difficulties　and　obstacles；　he　is；　in　point　of　intelligence；　entitled　to　them。　There　ought　to　be　voluntary　examinations　at　which　any　person　whatever　might　present　himself；　might　prove　that　he　came　up　to　the　standard　of　knowledge　and　ability　laid　down　as　sufficient；　and　be　admitted；　in　consequence；　to　the　plurality　of　votes。　A　privilege　which　is　not　refused　to　any　one　who　can　show　that　he　has　realised　the　conditions　on　which　in　theory　and　principle　it　is　dependent　would　not　necessarily　be　repugnant　to　any　one's　sentiment　of　justice：　but　it　would　certainly　be　so；　if；　while　conferred　on　general　presumptions　not　always　infallible；　it　were　denied　to　direct　proof。　　　Plural　voting；　though　practised　in　vestry　elections　and　those　of　poor…law　guardians；　is　so　unfamiliar　in　elections　to　Parliament　that　it　is　not　likely　to　be　soon　or　willingly　adopted：　but　as　the　time　will　certainly　arrive　when　the　only　choice　will　be　between　this　and　equal　universal　suffrage；　whoever　does　not　desire　the　last；　cannot　too　soon　begin　to　reconcile　himself　to　the　former。　In　the　meantime；　though　the　suggestion；　for　the　present；　may　not　be　a　practical　one；　it　will　serve　to　mark　what　is　best　in　principle；　and　enable　us　to　judge　of　the　eligibility　of　any　indirect　means；　either　existing　or　capable　of　being　adopted；　which　may　promote　in　a　less　perfect　manner　the　same　end。　A　person　may　have　a　double　vote　by　other　means　than　that　of　tendering　two　votes　at　the　same　hustings；　he　may　have　a　vote　in　each　of　two　different　constituencies：　and　though　this　exceptional　privilege　at　present　belongs　rather　to　superiority　of　means　than　of　intelligence；　I　would　not　abolish　it　where　it　exists；　since　until　a　truer　test　of　education　is　adopted　it　would　be　unwise　to　dispense　with　even　so　imperfect　a　one　as　is　afforded　by　pecuniary　circumstances。　Means　might　be　found　of　giving　a　further　extension　to　the　privilege；　which　would　connect　it　in　a　more　direct　manner　with　superior　education。　In　any　future　Reform　Bill　which　lowers　greatly　the　pecuniary　conditions　of　the　suffrage；　it　might　be　a　wise　provision　to　allow　all　graduates　of　universities；　all　persons　who　have　passed　creditably　through　the　higher　schools；　all　members　of　the　liberal　professions；　and　perhaps　some　others；　to　be　registered　specifically　in　those　characters；　and　to　give　their　votes　as　such　in　any　constituency　in　which　they　choose　to　register；　retaining；　in　addition；　their　votes　as　simple　citizens　in　the　localities　in　which　they　reside。　　　Until　there　shall　have　been　devised；　and　until　opinion　is　willing　to　accept；　some　mode　of　plural　voting　which　may　assign　to　education；　as　such；　the　degree　of　superior　influence　due　to　it；　and　sufficient　as　a　counterpoise　to　the　numerical　weight　of　the　least　educated　class；　for　so　long　the　benefits　of　completely　universal　suffrage　cannot　be　obtained　without　bringing　with　them；　as　it　appears　to　me；　a　chance　of　more　than　equivalent　evils。　It　is　possible；　indeed　（and　this　is　perhaps　one　of　the　transitions　through　which　we　may　have　to　pass　in　our　progress　to　a　really　good　representative　system）；　that　the　barriers　which　restrict　the　suffrage　might　be　entirely　levelled　in　some　particular　constituencies；　whose　members；　consequently；　would　be　returned　principally　by　manual　labourers；　the　existing　electoral　qualification　being　maintained　elsewhere；　or　any　alteration　in　it　being　accompanied　by　such　a　grouping　of　the　constituencies　as　to　prevent　the　labouring　class　from　becoming　preponderant　in　Parliament。　By　such　a　compromise；　the　anomalies　in　the　representation　would　not　only　be　retained；　but　augmented：　this　however　is　not　a　conclusive　objection；　for　if　the　country　does　not　choose　to　pursue　the　right　ends　by　a　regular　system　directly　leading　to　them；　it　must　be　content　with　an　irregular　makeshift；　as　being　greatly　preferable　to　a　system　free　from　irregularities；　but　regularly　adapted　to　wrong　ends；　or　in　which　some　ends　equally　necessary　with　the　others　have　been　left　out。　It　is　a　far　graver　objection；　that　this　adjustment　is　incompatible　with　the　intercommunity　of　local　constituencies　which　Mr。　Hare's　plan　requires；　that　under　it　every　voter　would　remain　imprisoned　within　the　one　or　more　constituencies　in　which　his　name　is　registered；　and　unless　willing　to　be　represented　by　one　of　the　candidates　for　those　localities；　would　not　be　represented　at　all。　　　So　much　importance　do　I　attach　to　the　emancipation　of　those　who　already　have　votes；　but　whose　votes　are　useless；　because　always　outnumbered；　so　much　should　I　hope　from　the　natural　influence　of　truth　and　reason；　if　only　secured　a　hearing　and　a　competent　advocacy　that　I　should　not　despair　of　the　operation　even　of　equal　and　universal　suffrage；　if　made　real　by　the　proportional　representation　of　all　minorities；　on　Mr。　Hare's　principle。　But　if　the　best　hopes　which　can　be　formed　on　this　subject　were　certainties；　I　should　still　contend　for　the　principle　of　plural　voting。　I　do　not　propose　the　plurality　as　a　thing　in　itself　undesirable；　which；　like　the　exclusion　of　part　of　the　community　from　the　suffrage；　may　be　temporarily　tolerated　while　necessary　to　prevent　greater　evils。　I　do　not　look　upon　equal　voting　as　among　the　things　which　are　good　in　themselves；　provided　they　can　be　guarded　against　inconveniences。　I　look　upon　it　as　only　relatively　good；　less　objectionable　than　inequality　of　privilege　grounded　on　irrelevant　or　adventitious　circumstances；　but　in　principle　wrong；　because　recognising　a　wrong　standard；　and　exercising　a　bad　influence　on　the　voter's　mind。　It　is　not　useful；　but　hurtful；　that　the　constitution　of　the　country　should　declare　ignorance　to　be　entitled　to　as　much　political　power　as　knowledge。　The　national　institutions　should　place　all　things　that　they　are　concerned　with　before　the　mind　of　the　citizen　in　the　light　in　which　it　is　for　his　good　that　he　should　regard　them：　and　as　it　is　for　his　good　that　he　should　think　that　every　one　is　entitled　to　some　influence；　but　the　better　and　wiser　to　more　than　others；　it　is　important　that　this　conviction　should　be　professed　by　the　State；　and　embodied　in　the　national　institutions。　Such　things　constitute　the　spirit　of　the　institutions　of　a　country：　that　portion　of　their　influence　which　is　least　regarded　by　common；　and　especially　by　English；　thinkers；　though　the　institutions　of　every　country；　not　under　great　positive　oppression；　produce　more　effect　by　their　spirit　than　by　any　of　their　direct　provisions；　since　by　it　they　shape　the　national　character。　The　American　institutions　have　imprinted　strongly　on　the　American　mind　that　any　one　man　（with　a　white　skin）　is　as　good　as　any　other；　and　it　is　felt　that　this　false　creed　is　nearly　connected　with　some　of　the　more　unfavourable　points　in　American　character。　It　is　not　small　mischief　that　the　constitution　of　any　country　should　sanction　this　creed；　for　the　belief　in　it；　whether　express　or　tacit；　is　almost　as　detrimental　to　moral　and　intellectual　excellence　any　effect　which　most　forms　of　government　can　produce。　　　It　may；　perhaps；　be　said；　that　a　constitutio