representative government-第35章

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y　positive　reasons；　which　do　not　conflict　with　this　principle；　and　which；　though　an　evil　in　themselves；　are　only　to　be　got　rid　of　by　the　cessation　of　the　state　of　things　which　requires　them。　I　regard　it　as　wholly　inadmissible　that　any　person　should　participate　in　the　suffrage　without　being　able　to　read；　write；　and；　I　will　add；　perform　the　common　operations　of　arithmetic。　Justice　demands；　even　when　the　suffrage　does　not　depend　on　it；　that　the　means　of　attaining　these　elementary　acquirements　should　be　within　the　reach　of　every　person；　either　gratuitously；　or　at　an　expense　not　exceeding　what　the　poorest　who　earn　their　own　living　can　afford。　If　this　were　really　the　case；　people　would　no　more　think　of　giving　the　suffrage　to　a　man　who　could　not　read；　than　of　giving　it　to　a　child　who　could　not　speak；　and　it　would　not　be　society　that　would　exclude　him；　but　his　own　laziness。　When　society　has　not　performed　its　duty；　by　rendering　this　amount　of　instruction　accessible　to　all；　there　is　some　hardship　in　the　case；　but　it　is　a　hardship　that　ought　to　be　borne。　If　society　has　neglected　to　discharge　two　solemn　obligations；　the　more　important　and　more　fundamental　of　the　two　must　be　fulfilled　first：　universal　teaching　must　precede　universal　enfranchisement。　No　one　but　those　in　whom　an　a　priori　theory　has　silenced　common　sense　will　maintain　that　power　over　others；　over　the　whole　community；　should　be　imparted　to　people　who　have　not　acquired　the　commonest　and　most　essential　requisities　for　taking　care　of　themselves；　for　pursuing　intelligently　their　own　interests；　and　those　of　the　persons　most　nearly　allied　to　them。　This　argument；　doubtless；　might　be　pressed　further；　and　made　to　prove　much　more。　It　would　be　eminently　desirable　that　other　things　besides　reading；　writing；　and　arithmetic　could　be　made　necessary　to　the　suffrage；　that　some　knowledge　of　the　conformation　of　the　earth；　its　natural　and　political　divisions；　the　elements　of　general　history；　and　of　the　history　and　institutions　of　their　own　country；　could　be　required　from　all　electors。　But　these　kinds　of　knowledge；　however　indispensable　to　an　intelligent　use　of　the　suffrage；　are　not；　in　this　country；　nor　probably　anywhere　save　in　the　Northern　United　States；　accessible　to　the　whole　people；　nor　does　there　exist　any　trustworthy　machinery　for　ascertaining　whether　they　have　been　acquired　or　not。　The　attempt；　at　present；　would　lead　to　partiality；　chicanery；　and　every　kind　of　fraud。　It　is　better　that　the　suffrage　should　be　conferred　indiscriminately；　or　even　withheld　indiscriminately；　than　that　it　should　be　given　to　one　and　withheld　from　another　at　the　discretion　of　a　public　officer。　In　regard；　however；　to　reading；　writing；　and　calculating；　there　need　be　no　difficulty。　It　would　be　easy　to　require　from　every　one　who　presented　himself　for　registry　that　he　should；　in　the　presence　of　the　registrar；　copy　a　sentence　from　an　English　book；　and　perform　a　sum　in　the　rule　of　three；　and　to　secure；　by　fixed　rules　and　complete　publicity；　the　honest　application　of　so　very　simple　a　test。　This　condition；　therefore；　should　in　all　cases　accompany　universal　suffrage；　and　it　would；　after　a　few　years；　exclude　none　but　those　who　cared　so　little　for　the　privilege；　that　their　vote；　if　given；　would　not　in　general　be　an　indication　of　any　real　political　opinion。　　　It　is　also　important；　that　the　assembly　which　votes　the　taxes；　either　general　or　local；　should　be　elected　exclusively　by　those　who　pay　something　towards　the　taxes　imposed。　Those　who　pay　no　taxes；　disposing　by　their　votes　of　other　people's　money；　have　every　motive　to　be　lavish　and　none　to　economise。　As　far　as　money　matters　are　concerned；　any　power　of　voting　possessed　by　them　is　a　violation　of　the　fundamental　principle　of　free　government；　a　severance　of　the　power　of　control　from　the　interest　in　its　beneficial　exercise。　It　amounts　to　allowing　them　to　put　their　hands　into　other　people's　pockets　for　any　purpose　which　they　think　fit　to　call　a　public　one；　which　in　some　of　the　great　towns　of　the　United　States　is　known　to　have　produced　a　scale　of　local　taxation　onerous　beyond　example；　and　wholly　borne　by　the　wealthier　classes。　That　representation　should　be　co…extensive　with　taxation；　not　stopping　short　of　it；　but　also　not　going　beyond　it；　is　in　accordance　with　the　theory　of　British　institutions。　But　to　reconcile　this；　as　a　condition　annexed　to　the　representation；　with　universality；　it　is　essential；　as　it　is　on　many　other　accounts　desirable；　that　taxation；　in　a　visible　shape；　should　descend　to　the　poorest　class。　In　this　country；　and　in　most　others；　there　is　probably　no　labouring　family　which　does　not　contribute　to　the　indirect　taxes；　by　the　purchase　of　tea；　coffee；　sugar；　not　to　mention　narcotics　or　stimulants。　But　this　mode　of　defraying　a　share　of　the　public　expenses　is　hardly　felt：　the　payer；　unless　a　person　of　education　and　reflection；　does　not　identify　his　interest　with　a　low　scale　of　public　expenditure　as　closely　as　when　money　for　its　support　is　demanded　directly　from　himself；　and　even　supposing　him　to　do　so；　he　would　doubtless　take　care　that；　however　lavish　an　expenditure　he　might；　by　his　vote；　assist　in　imposing　upon　the　government；　it　should　not　be　defrayed　by　any　additional　taxes　on　the　articles　which　he　himself　consumes。　It　would　be　better　that　a　direct　tax；　in　the　simple　form　of　a　capitation；　should　be　levied　on　every　grown　person　in　the　community；　or　that　every　such　person　should　be　admitted　an　elector　on　allowing　himself　to　be　rated　extra　ordinem　to　the　assessed　taxes；　or　that　a　small　annual　payment；　rising　and　falling　with　the　gross　expenditure　of　the　country；　should　be　required　from　every　registered　elector；　that　so　everyone　might　feel　that　the　money　which　he　assisted　in　voting　was　partly　his　own；　and　that　he　was　interested　in　keeping　down　its　amount。　　　However　this　may　be；　I　regard　it　as　required　by　first　principles；　that　the　receipt　of　parish　relief　should　be　a　peremptory　disqualification　for　the　franchise。　He　who　cannot　by　his　labour　suffice　for　his　own　support　has　no　claim　to　the　privilege　of　helping　himself　to　the　money　of　others。　By　becoming　dependent　on　the　remaining　members　of　the　community　for　actual　subsistence；　he　abdicates　his　claim　to　equal　rights　with　them　in　other　respects。　Those　to　whom　he　is　indebted　for　the　continuance　of　his　very　existence　may　justly　claim　the　exclusive　management　of　those　common　concerns；　to　which　he　now　brings　nothing；　or　less　than　he　takes　away。　As　a　condition　of　the　franchise；　a　term　should　be　fixed；　say　five　years　previous　to　the　registry；　during　which　the　applicant's　name　has　not　been　on　the　parish　books　as　a　recipient　of　relief。　To　be　an　uncertified　bankrupt；　or　to　have　taken　the　benefit　of　the　Insolvent　Act；　should　disqualify　for　the　franchise　until　the　person　has　paid　his　debts；　or　at　least　proved　that　he　is　not　now；　and　has　not　for　some　long　period　been；　dependent　on　eleemosynary　support。　Non…payment　of　taxes；　when　so　long　persisted　in　that　it　cannot　have　arisen　from　inadvertence；　should　disqualify　while　it　lasts。　These　exclusions　are　not　in　their　nature　permanent。　They　exact　such　conditions　only　as　all　are　able；　or　ought　to　be　able；　to　fulfil　if　they　choose。　They　leave　the　suffrage　accessible　to　all　who　are　in　the　normal　condition　of　a　human　being：　and　if　any　one　has　to　forego　it；　he　either　does　not　care　sufficiently　for　it　to　do　for　its　sake　what　he　is　already　bound　to　do；　or　he　is　in　a　general　condition　of　depression　and　degradation　in　which　this　slight　addition；　necessary　for　security　of　others；　would　be　unfelt；　and　on　emerging　from　which；　this　mark　of　inferiority　would　disappear　with　the　rest。　　　In　the　long　run；　therefore　（supposing　no　restrictions　to　exist　but　those　of　which　we　have　now　treated）；　we　might　expect　that　all；　except　that　（it　is　to　be　hoped）　progressively　diminishing　class；　the　recipients　of　parish　relief；　would　be　in　possession　of　votes；　so　that　the　suffrage　would　be；　with　that　slight　abatement；　universal。　That　it　should　be　thus　widely　expanded　is；　as　we　have　seen；　absolutely　necessary　to　an　enlarged　and　elevated　conception　of　good　government。　Yet　in　this　state　of　things；　the　great　majority　of　voters；　in　most　countries；　and　emphatically　in　this；　would　be　manual　labourers；　and　the　twofold　danger；　that　of　too　low