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ernment is but solemn trifling。 All trust in constitutions is grounded on the assurance they may afford； not that the depositaries of power will not； but that they cannot； misemploy it。 Democracy is not the ideally best form of government unless this weak side of it can be strengthened； unless it can be so organised that no class； not even the most numerous； shall be able to reduce all but itself to political insignificance； and direct the course of legislation and administration by its exclusive class interest。 The problem is； to find the means of preventing this abuse； without sacrificing the characteristic advantages of popular government。 These twofold requisites are not fulfilled by the expedient of a limitation of the suffrage； involving the compulsory exclusion of any portion of the citizens from a voice in the representation。 Among the foremost benefits of free government is that education of the intelligence and of the sentiments which is carried down to the very lowest ranks of the people when they are called to take a part in acts which directly affect the great interests of their country。 On this topic I have already dwelt so emphatically that I only return to it because there are few who seem to attach to this effect of popular institutions all the importance to which it is entitled。 People think it fanciful to expect so much from what seems so slight a cause… to recognise a potent instrument of mental improvement in the exercise of political franchises by manual labourers。 Yet unless substantial mental cultivation in the mass of mankind is to be a mere vision； this is the road by which it must come。 If any one supposes that this road will not bring it； I call to witness the entire contents of M。 de Tocqueville's great work； and especially his estimate of the Americans。 Almost all travellers are struck by the fact that every American is in some sense both a patriot； and a person of cultivated intelligence； and M。 de Tocqueville has shown how close the connection is between these qualities and their democratic institutions。 No such wide diffusion of the ideas； tastes； and sentiments of educated minds has ever been seen elsewhere； or even conceived as attainable。*
* The following 〃extract from the Report of the English Commissioner to the New York Exhibition；〃 which I quote from Mr。 Carey's Principles of Social Science bears striking testimony to one part； at least； of the assertion in the text：… 〃We have a few great engineers and mechanics； and a large body of clever workmen； but the Americans seem likely to become a whole nation of such people。 Already； their rivers swarm with steamboats； their valleys are becoming crowded with factories； their towns； surpassing those of every state of Europe； except Belgium； Holland； and England； are the abodes of all the skill which now distinguishes a town population； and there is scarcely an art in Europe not carried on in America with equal or greater skill than in Europe； though it has been here cultivated and improved through ages。 A whole nation of Franklins； Stephensons； and Watts in prospect； is something wonderful for other nations to contemplate。 In contrast with the comparative inertness and ignorance of the bulk of the people of Europe； whatever may be the superiority of a few well…instructed and gifted persons； the America is the circumstance most worthy of public attention。〃
Yet this is nothing to what we might look for in a government equally democratic in its unexclusiveness； but better organised in other important points。 For political life is indeed in America a most valuable school； but it is a school from which the ablest teachers are excluded； the first minds in the country being as effectually shut out from the national representation； and from public functions generally； as if they were under a formal disqualification。 The Demos； too； being in America the one source of power； all the selfish ambition of the country gravitates towards it； as it does in despotic countries towards the monarch： the people； like the despot； is pursued with adulation and sycophancy； and the corrupting effects of power fully keep pace with its improving and ennobling influences。 If； even with this alloy； democratic institutions produce so marked a superiority of mental development in the lowest class of Americans； compared with the corresponding classes in England and elsewhere； what would it be if the good portion of the influence could be retained without the bad？ And this； to a certain extent； may be done； but not by excluding that portion of the people who have fewest intellectual stimuli of other kinds from so inestimable an introduction to large； distant； and complicated interests as is afforded by the attention they may be induced to bestow on political affairs。 It is by political discussion that the manual labourer； whose employment is a routine； and whose way of life brings him in contact with no variety of impressions； circumstances； or ideas； is taught that remote causes； and events which take place far off； have a most sensible effect even on his personal interests； and it is from political discussion； and collective political action； that one whose daily occupations concentrate his interests in a small circle round himself； learns to feel for and with his fellow citizens； and becomes consciously a member of a great community。 But political discussions fly over the heads of those who have no votes； and are not endeavouring to acquire them。 Their position； in comparison with the electors； is that of the audience in a court of justice； compared with the twelve men in the jury…box。 It is not their suffrages that are asked； it is not their opinion that is sought to be influenced； the appeals are made； the arguments addressed； to others than them； nothing depends on the decision they may arrive at； and there is no necessity and very little inducement to them to come to any。 Whoever； in an otherwise popular government； has no vote； and no prospect of obtaining it； will either be a permanent malcontent； or will feel as one whom the general affairs of society do not concern； for whom they are to be managed by others； who 〃has no business with the laws except to obey them；〃 nor with public interests and concerns except as a looker…on。 What he will know or care about them from this position may partly be measured by what an average woman of the middle class knows and cares about politics； compared with her husband or brothers。 Independently of all these considerations； it is a personal injustice to withhold from any one； unless for the prevention of greater evils； the ordinary privilege of having his voice reckoned in the disposal of affairs in which he has the same interest as other people。 If he is compelled to pay； if he may be compelled to fight； if he is required implicitly to obey； he should be legally entitled to be told what for； to have his consent asked； and his opinion counted at its worth； though not at more than its worth。 There ought to be no pariahs in a full…grown and civilised nation； no persons disqualified； except through their own default。 Every one is degraded； whether aware of it or not； when other people； without consulting him； take upon themselves unlimited power to regulate his destiny。 And even in a much more improved state than the human mind has ever yet reached； it is not in nature that they who are thus disposed of should meet with as fair play as those who have a voice。 Rulers and ruling classes are under a necessity of considering the interests and wishes of those who have the suffrage； but of those who are excluded； it is in their option whether they will do so or not； and； however honestly disposed； they are in general too fully occupied with things which they must attend to； to have much room in their thoughts for anything which they can with impunity disregard。 No arrangement of the suffrage； therefore； can be permanently satisfactory in which any person or class is peremptorily excluded； in which the electoral privilege is not open to all persons of full age who desire to obtain it。 There are； however； certain exclusions； required by positive reasons； which do not conflict with this principle； and which； though an evil in themselv