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the writings-5-第2章

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SPRINGFIELD; Aug。 11; 1858。



ALEXANDER SYMPSON; Esq。



DEAR SIR:Yours of the 6th received。 If life and health continue I

shall pretty likely be at Augusta on the 25th。



Things look reasonably well。  Will tell you more fully when I see

you。



Yours truly;



A。 LINCOLN。









TO J。 O。 CUNNINGHAM。



OTTAWA; August 22; 1858。



J。 O。 CUNNINGHAM; Esq。



MY DEAR SIR:Yours of the 18th; signed as secretary of the

Republican club; is received。  In the matter of making speeches I am

a good deal pressed by invitations from almost all quarters; and

while I hope to be at Urbana some time during the canvass; I cannot

yet say when。  Can you not see me at Monticello on the 6th of

September?



Douglas and I; for the first time this canvass; crossed swords here

yesterday; the fire flew some; and I am glad to know I am yet alive。

There was a vast concourse of peoplemore than could get near enough

to hear。



Yours as ever;



A。 LINCOLN。









ON SLAVERY IN A DEMOCRACY。



August ??; 1858



As I would not be a slave; so I would not be a master。  This

expresses my idea of democracy。  Whatever differs from this; to the

extent of the difference; is no democracy。



A。 LINCOLN。









TO B。 C。 COOK。



SPRINGFIELD;  August 2; 1858



HON。 B。 C。 COOK。



MY DEAR SIR:I have a letter from a very true friend; and

intelligent man; writing that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and

Bureau; to run Douglas Republican for Congress and for the

Legislature in those counties; if they can only get the encouragement

of our folks nominating pretty extreme abolitionists。  It is thought

they will do nothing if our folks nominate men who are not very

'undecipherable word looks like 〃obnoxious〃' to the charge of

abolitionism。  Please have your eye upon this。  Signs are looking

pretty fair。



Yours very truly;



A。 LINCOLN。









TO DR。 WILLIAM FITHIAN; DANVILLE; ILL。



BLOOMINGTON; Sept。  3; 1858



DEAR DOCTOR:Yours of the 1st was received this morning; as also one

from Mr。 Harmon; and one from Hiram Beckwith on the same subject。

You will see by the Journal that I have been appointed to speak at

Danville on the 22d of Sept。;the day after Douglas speaks there。

My recent experience shows that speaking at the same place the next

day after D。 is the very thing;it is; in fact; a concluding speech

on him。  Please show this to Messrs。  Harmon and Beckwith; and tell

them they must excuse me from writing separate letters to them。



Yours as ever;



A。 LINCOLN



P。 S。Give full notice to all surrounding country。

A。L。









FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT PARIS; ILL。;



SEPT。 8; 1858。



Let us inquire what Judge Douglas really invented when he introduced

the Nebraska Bill? He called it Popular Sovereignty。  What does that

mean? It means the sovereignty of the people over their own affairs

in other words; the right of the people to govern themselves。  Did

Judge Douglas invent this? Not quite。  The idea of popular

sovereignty was floating about several ages before the author of the

Nebraska Bill was bornindeed; before Columbus set foot on this

continent。  In the year 1776 it took form in the noble words which

you are all familiar with: 〃We hold these truths to be self…evident;

that all men are created equal;〃 etc。  Was not this the origin of

popular sovereignty as applied to the American people? Here we are

told that governments are instituted among men deriving their just

powers from the consent of the governed。  If that is not popular

sovereignty; then I have no conception of the meaning of words。  If

Judge Douglas did not invent this kind of popular sovereignty; let us

pursue the inquiry and find out what kind he did invent。  Was it the

right of emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska to govern themselves; and a

lot of 〃niggers;〃 too; if they wanted them? Clearly this was no

invention of his because General Cass put forth the same doctrine in

1848 in his so called Nicholson letter; six years before Douglas

thought of such a thing。  Then what was it that the 〃Little Giant〃

invented? It never occurred to General Cass to call his discovery by

the odd name of popular sovereignty。  He had not the face to say that

the right of the people to govern 〃niggers〃 was the right of the

people to govern themselves。  His notions of the fitness of things

were not moulded to the brazenness of calling the right to put a

hundred 〃niggers〃 through under the lash in Nebraska a 〃sacred〃 right

of self…government。  And here I submit to you was Judge Douglas's

discovery; and the whole of it: He discovered that the right to breed

and flog negroes in Nebraska was popular sovereignty。









SPEECH AT CLINTON; ILLINOIS;



SEPTEMBER 8; 1858。



The questions are sometimes asked 〃What is all this fuss that is

being made about negroes? What does it amount to? And where will it

end?〃 These questions imply that those who ask them consider the

slavery question a very insignificant matter they think that it

amounts to little or nothing and that those who agitate it are

extremely foolish。  Now it must be admitted that if the great

question which has caused so much trouble is insignificant; we are

very foolish to have anything to do with itif it is of no

importance we had better throw it aside and busy ourselves with

something else。  But let us inquire a little into this insignificant

matter; as it is called by some; and see if it is not important

enough to demand the close attention of every well…wisher of the

Union。  In one of Douglas's recent speeches; I find a reference to

one which was made by me in Springfield some time ago。  The judge

makes one quotation from that speech that requires some little notice

from me at this time。  I regret that I have not my Springfield speech

before me; but the judge has quoted one particular part of it so

often that I think I can recollect it。  It runs I think as follows:



〃We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with

the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery

agitation。  Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not

only not ceased but has constantly augmented。  In my opinion it will

not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed。



〃A house divided against itself cannot stand。  I believe this

government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free。  I do

not expect the Union to be dissolved。  I do not expect the house to

fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided。  It will become

all one thing or all the other。  Either the opponents of slavery will

arrest the further spread of it and place it where the public mind

shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate

extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall

become alike lawful in all the States; old as well as new; North as

well as South。〃



Judge Douglas makes use of the above quotation; and finds a great

deal of fault with it。  He deals unfairly with me; and tries to make

the people of this State believe that I advocated dangerous doctrines

in my Springfield speech。  Let us see if that portion of my

Springfield speech of which Judge Douglas complains so bitterly; is

as objectionable to others as it is to him。  We are; certainly; far

into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed

object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation。

On the fourth day of January; 1854; Judge Douglas introduced the

Kansas…Nebraska bill。  He initiated a new policy; and that policy; so

he says; was to put an end to the agitation of the slavery question。

Whether that was his object or not I will not stop to discuss; but at

all events some kind of a policy was initiated; and what has been the

result? Instead of the quiet and good feeling which were promised us

by the self…styled author of Popular S
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