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by the self…styled author of Popular Sovereignty； we have had nothing
but ill…feeling and agitation。 According to Judge Douglas； the
passage of the Nebraska bill would tranquilize the whole country
there would be no more slavery agitation in or out of Congress； and
the vexed question would be left entirely to the people of the
Territories。 Such was the opinion of Judge Douglas； and such were
the opinions of the leading men of the Democratic Party。 Even as
late as the spring of 1856 Mr。 Buchanan said； a short time subsequent
to his nomination by the Cincinnati convention； that the territory of
Kansas would be tranquil in less than six weeks。 Perhaps he thought
so； but Kansas has not been and is not tranquil； and it may be a long
time before she may be so。
We all know how fierce the agitation was in Congress last winter； and
what a narrow escape Kansas had from being admitted into the Union
with a constitution that was detested by ninety…nine hundredths of
her citizens。 Did the angry debates which took place at Washington
during the last season of Congress lead you to suppose that the
slavery agitation was settled？
An election was held in Kansas in the month of August； and the
constitution which was submitted to the people was voted down by a
large majority。 So Kansas is still out of the Union； and there is a
probability that she will remain out for some time。 But Judge
Douglas says the slavery question is settled。 He says the bill he
introduced into the Senate of the United States on the 4th day of
January； 1854； settled the slavery question forever！ Perhaps he can
tell us how that bill settled the slavery question； for if he is able
to settle a question of such great magnitude he ought to be able to
explain the manner in which he does it。 He knows and you know that
the question is not settled； and that his ill…timed experiment to
settle it has made it worse than it ever was before。
And now let me say a few words in regard to Douglas's great hobby of
negro equality。 He thinkshe says at leastthat the Republican
party is in favor of allowing whites and blacks to intermarry； and
that a man can't be a good Republican unless he is willing to elevate
black men to office and to associate with them on terms of perfect
equality。 He knows that we advocate no such doctrines as these； but
he cares not how much he misrepresents us if he can gain a few votes
by so doing。 To show you what my opinion of negro equality was in
times past； and to prove to you that I stand on that question where I
always stood； I will read you a few extracts from a speech that was
made by me in Peoria in 1854。 It was made in reply to one of Judge
Douglas's speeches。
（Mr。 Lincoln then read a number of extracts which had the ring of the
true metal。 We have rarely heard anything with which we have been
more pleased。 And the audience after hearing the extracts read； and
comparing their conservative sentiments with those now advocated by
Mr。 Lincoln； testified their approval by loud applause。 How any
reasonable man can hear one of Mr。 Lincoln's speeches without being
converted to Republicanism is something that we can't account for。
Ed。）
Slavery； continued Mr。 Lincoln； is not a matter of little importance；
it overshadows every other question in which we are interested。 It
has divided the Methodist and Presbyterian churches； and has sown
discord in the American Tract Society。 The churches have split and
the society will follow their example before long。 So it will be
seen that slavery is agitated in the religious as well as in the
political world。
Judge Douglas is very much afraid in the triumph that the Republican
party will lead to a general mixture of the white and black races。
Perhaps I am wrong in saying that he is afraid； so I will correct
myself by saying that he pretends to fear that the success of our
party will result in the amalgamation of the blacks and whites。 I
think I can show plainly； from documents now before me； that Judge
Douglas's fears are groundless。 The census of 1800 tells us that in
that year there were over four hundred thousand mulattoes in the
United States。 Now let us take what is called an Abolition State
the Republican； slavery…hating State of New Hampshireand see how
many mulattoes we can find within her borders。 The number amounts to
just one hundred and eighty…four。 In the Old Dominionin the
Democratic and aristocratic State of Virginiathere were a few more
mulattoes than the Census…takers found in New Hampshire。 How many do
you suppose there were？ Seventy…nine thousand； seven hundred and
seventy…fivetwenty…three thousand more than there were in all the
free States！ In the slave States there were in 1800； three
hundred and forty…eight thousand mulattoes all of home production；
and in the free States there were less than sixty thousand mulattoes
and a large number of them were imported from the South。
FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT EDWARDSVILLE； ILL。；
SEPT。 13； 1858。
I have been requested to give a concise statement of the difference；
as I understand it； between the Democratic and Republican parties； on
the leading issues of the campaign。 This question has been put to me
by a gentleman whom I do not know。 I do not even know whether he is
a friend of mine or a supporter of Judge Douglas in this contest； nor
does that make any difference。 His question is a proper one。 Lest I
should forget it； I will give you my answer before proceeding with
the line of argument I have marked out for this discussion。
The difference between the Republican and the Democratic parties on
the leading issues of this contest； as I understand it； is that the
former consider slavery a moral； social and political wrong； while
the latter do not consider it either a moral； a social or a political
wrong； and the action of each； as respects the growth of the country
and the expansion of our population； is squared to meet these views。
I will not affirm that the Democratic party consider slavery morally；
socially and politically right； though their tendency to that view
has； in my opinion； been constant and unmistakable for the past five
years。 I prefer to take； as the accepted maxim of the party； the
idea put forth by Judge Douglas； that he don't care whether slavery
is voted down or voted up。〃 I am quite willing to believe that many
Democrats would prefer that slavery should be always voted down； and
I know that some prefer that it be always voted up〃； but I have a
right to insist that their action； especially if it be their constant
action； shall determine their ideas and preferences on this subject。
Every measure of the Democratic party of late years； bearing directly
or indirectly on the slavery question； has corresponded with this
notion of utter indifference whether slavery or freedom shall outrun
in the race of empire across to the Pacificevery measure； I say； up
to the Dred Scott decision； where； it seems to me； the idea is boldly
suggested that slavery is better than freedom。 The Republican party；
on the contrary； hold that this government was instituted to secure
the blessings of freedom； and that slavery is an unqualified evil to
the negro； to the white man； to the soil； and to the State。
Regarding it as an evil； they will not molest it in the States where
it exists； they will not overlook the constitutional guards which our
fathers placed around it； they will do nothing that can give proper
offence to those who hold slaves by legal sanction； but they will use
every constitutional method to prevent the evil from becoming larger
and involving more negroes； more white men； more soil； and more
States in its deplorable consequences。 They will； if possible； place
it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in
course of ultimate peaceable extinction in God's own good time。 And
to this end they will； if possible； restore the gove