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when it is altogether untrue。 If you come forward with my note for
one hundred dollars when I have never given such a note； there is a
forgery。 If you come forward with a letter purporting to be written
by me which I never wrote； there is another forgery。 If you produce
anything in writing or in print saying it is so and so； the document
not being genuine； a forgery has been committed。 How do you make
this forgery when every piece of the evidence is genuine？ If Judge
Douglas does say these documents and quotations are false and forged；
he has a full right to do so； but until he does it specifically； we
don't know how to get at him。 If he does say they are false and
forged； I will then look further into it； and presume I can procure
the certificates of the proper officers that they are genuine copies。
I have no doubt each of these extracts will be found exactly where
Trumbull says it is。 Then I leave it to you if Judge Douglas； in
making his sweeping charge that Judge Trumbull's evidence is forged
from beginning to end； at all meets the case；if that is the way to
get at the facts。 I repeat again； if he will point out which one is
a forgery； I will carefully examine it； and if it proves that any one
of them is really a forgery； it will not be me who will hold to it
any longer。 I have always wanted to deal with everyone I meet
candidly and honestly。 If I have made any assertion not warranted by
facts； and it is pointed out to me； I will withdraw it cheerfully。
But I do not choose to see Judge Trumbull calumniated； and the
evidence he has brought forward branded in general terms 〃a forgery
from beginning to end。〃 This is not the legal way of meeting a
charge； and I submit it to all intelligent persons； both friends of
Judge Douglas and of myself； whether it is。
The point upon Judge Douglas is this： The bill that went into his
hands had the provision in it for a submission of the constitution to
the people； and I say its language amounts to an express provision
for a submission； and that he took the provision out。 He says it was
known that the bill was silent in this particular； but I say； Judge
Douglas； it was not silent when you got it。 It was vocal with the
declaration； when you got it； for a submission of the constitution to
the people。 And now； my direct question to Judge Douglas is； to
answer why； if he deemed the bill silent on this point； he found it
necessary to strike out those particular harmless words。 If he had
found the bill silent and without this provision； he might say what
he does now。 If he supposes it was implied that the constitution
would be submitted to a vote of the people； how could these two lines
so encumber the statute as to make it necessary to strike them out？
How could he infer that a submission was still implied； after its
express provision had been stricken from the bill？ I find the bill
vocal with the provision； while he silenced it。 He took it out； and
although he took out the other provision preventing a submission to a
vote of the people； I ask； Why did you first put it in？ I ask him
whether he took the original provision out； which Trumbull alleges
was in the bill。 If he admits that he did take it； I ask him what he
did it for。 It looks to us as if he had altered the bill。 If it
looks differently to him；if he has a different reason for his
action from the one we assign himhe can tell it。 I insist upon
knowing why he made the bill silent upon that point when it was vocal
before he put his hands upon it。
I was told； before my last paragraph； that my time was within three
minutes of being out。 I presume it is expired now； I therefore
close。
Mr。 LINCOLN'S REJOINDER。
FELLOW…CITIZENS： It follows as a matter of course that a half…hour
answer to a speech of an hour and a half can be but a very hurried
one。 I shall only be able to touch upon a few of the points
suggested by Judge Douglas； and give them a brief attention； while I
shall have to totally omit others for the want of time。
Judge Douglas has said to you that he has not been able to get from
me an answer to the question whether I am in favor of negro
citizenship。 So far as I know the Judge never asked me the question
before。 He shall have no occasion to ever ask it again； for I tell
him very frankly that I am not in favor of negro citizenship。 This
furnishes me an occasion for saying a few words upon the subject。 I
mentioned in a certain speech of mine； which has been printed； that
the Supreme Court had decided that a negro could not possibly be made
a citizen； and without saying what was my ground of complaint in
regard to that； or whether I had any ground of complaint； Judge
Douglas has from that thing manufactured nearly everything that he
ever says about my disposition to produce an equality between the
negroes and the white people。 If any one will read my speech； he
will find I mentioned that as one of the points decided in the course
of the Supreme Court opinions； but I did not state what objection I
had to it。 But Judge Douglas tells the people what my objection was
when I did not tell them myself。 Now； my opinion is that the
different States have the power to make a negro a citizen under the
Constitution of the United States if they choose。 The Dred Scott
decision decides that they have not that power。 If the State of
Illinois had that power； I should be opposed to the exercise of it。
That is all I have to say about it。
Judge Douglas has told me that he heard my speeches north and my
speeches south； that he had heard me at Ottawa and at Freeport in the
north and recently at Jonesboro in the south； and there was a very
different cast of sentiment in the speeches made at the different
points。 I will not charge upon Judge Douglas that he wilfully
misrepresents me； but I call upon every fair…minded man to take these
speeches and read them； and I dare him to point out any difference
between my speeches north and south。 While I am here perhaps I ought
to say a word； if I have the time； in regard to the latter portion of
the Judge's speech； which was a sort of declamation in reference to
my having said I entertained the belief that this government would
not endure half slave and half free。 I have said so； and I did not
say it without what seemed to me to be good reasons。 It perhaps
would require more time than I have now to set forth these reasons in
detail； but let me ask you a few questions。 Have we ever had any
peace on this slavery question？ When are we to have peace upon it；
if it is kept in the position it now occupies？ How are we ever to
have peace upon it？ That is an important question。 To be sure； if
we will all stop； and allow Judge Douglas and his friends to march on
in their present career until they plant the institution all over the
nation； here and wherever else our flag waves； and we acquiesce in
it； there will be peace。 But let me ask Judge Douglas how he is
going to get the people to do that？ They have been wrangling over
this question for at least forty years。 This was the cause of the
agitation resulting in the Missouri Compromise； this produced the
troubles at the annexation of Texas； in the acquisition of the
territory acquired in the Mexican War。 Again； this was the trouble
which was quieted by the Compromise of 1850； when it was settled
〃forever 〃 as both the great political parties declared in their
National Conventions。 That 〃forever〃 turned out to be just four
years； when Judge Douglas himself reopened it。 When is it likely to
come to an end？ He introduced the Nebraska Bill in 1854 to put
another end to the slavery agitation。 He promised that it would
finish it all up immediately； and he has never made a speech since；
until he got into a quarrel with the President about the Lecompton
Constitution； in which he has not declared that we are just at the
end of the slavery agitation。 But