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intended to he the second version of ‘‘L'Empire Knouto…Germanique'' （see
ib。 ii。 p 283）。
The State is not society； it is only an historical form of it； as brutal as it
is abstract。 It was born historically in all countries of the marriage of
violence； rapine； pillage； in a word； war and conquest； with the gods
successively created by the theological fantasy of nations。 It has been from
its origin； and it remains still at present； the divine sanction of brutal force
and triumphant inequality。
The State is authority； it is force； it is the ostentation and infatuation of
force： it does not insinuate itself； it does not seek to convert。 。 。 。 Even
when it commands what is good； it hinders and spoils it； just because it
commands it； and because every command provokes and excites the
legitimate revolts of liberty； and because the good； from the moment that
it is commanded； becomes evil from the point of view of true morality； of
human morality （doubtless not of divine）； from the point of view of human
respect and of liberty。 Liberty； morality； and the human dignity of man
consist precisely in this； that he does good； not because it is commanded；
but because he conceives it； wills it and loves it。
We do not find in Bakunin's works a clear picture of the society at
which he aimed； or any argument to prove that such a society could be
stable。 If we wish to understand Anarchism we must turn to his followers；
and especially to Kropotkinlike him； a Russian aristocrat familiar with
the prisons of Europe； and； like him； an Anarchist who； in spite of his
internationalism； is imbued with a fiery hatred of the Germans。
Kropotkin has devoted much of his writing to technical questions of
production。 In ‘‘Fields； Factories and Workshops'' and ‘‘The Conquest of
Bread'' he has set himself to prove that； if production were more scientific
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and better organized； a comparatively small amount of quite agreeable
work would suffice to keep the whole population in comfort。 Even
assuming； as we probably must； that he somewhat exaggerates what is
possible with our present scientific knowledge； it must nevertheless be
conceded that his contentions contain a very large measure of truth。 In
attacking the subject of production he has shown that he knows what is the
really crucial question。 If civilization and progress are to be compatible
with equality； it is necessary that equality should not involve long hours of
painful toil for little more than the necessaries of life； since； where there is
no leisure； art and science will die and all progress will become impossible。
The objection which some feel to Socialism and Anarchism alike on this
ground cannot be upheld in view of the possible productivity of labor。
The system at which Kropotkin aims； whether or not it be possible； is
certainly one which demands a very great improvement in the methods of
production above what is common at present。 He desires to abolish wholly
the system of wages； not only； as most Socialists do； in the sense that a
man is to be paid rather for his willingness to work than for the actual
work demanded of him； but in a more fundamental sense： there is to be no
obligation to work； and all things are to be shared in equal proportions
among the whole population。 Kropotkin relies upon the possibility of
making work pleasant： he holds that； in such a community as he foresees；
practically everyone will prefer work to idleness； because work will not
involve overwork or slavery； or that excessive specialization that
industrialism has brought about； but will be merely a pleasant activity for
certain hours of the day； giving a man an outlet for his spontaneous
constructive impulses。 There is to be no compulsion； no law； no
government exercising force； there will still be acts of the community； but
these are to spring from universal consent； not from any enforced
submission of even the smallest minority。 We shall examine in a later
chapter how far such an ideal is realizable； but it cannot be denied that
Kropotkin presents it with extraordinary persuasiveness and charm。
We should be doing more than justice to Anarchism if we did not say
something of its darker side； the side which has brought it into conflict
with the police and made it a word of terror to ordinary citizens。 In its
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general doctrines there is nothing essentially involving violent methods or
a virulent hatred of the rich； and many who adopt these general doctrines
are personally gentle and temperamentally averse from violence。 But the
general tone of the Anarchist press and public is bitter to a degree that
seems scarcely sane； and the appeal； especially in Latin countries； is rather
to envy of the fortunate than to pity for the unfortunate。 A vivid and
readable； though not wholly reliable； account； from a hostile point of view；
is given in a book called ‘‘Le Peril Anarchiste；'' by Felix Dubois；＇17＇
which incidentally reproduces a number of cartoons from anarchist
journals。 The revolt against law naturally leads； except in those who are
controlled by a real passion for humanity； to a relaxation of all the usually
accepted moral rules； and to a bitter spirit of retaliatory cruelty out of
which good can hardly come。
＇17＇ Paris； 1894。
One of the most curious features of popular Anarchism is its
martyrology； aping Christian forms； with the guillotine （in France） in place
of the cross。 Many who have suffered death at the hands of the authorities
on account of acts of violence were no doubt genuine sufferers for their
belief in a cause； but others； equally honored； are more questionable。 One
of the most curious examples of this outlet for the repressed religious
impulse is the cult of Ravachol； who was guillotined in 1892 on account of
various dynamite outrages。 His past was dubious； but he died defiantly； his
last words were three lines from a well…known Anarchist song； the ‘‘Chant
du Pere Duchesne''：
Si tu veux etre heureux； Nom de Dieu！
Pends ton proprietaire。
As was natural； the leading Anarchists took no part in the canonization
of his memory； nevertheless it proceeded； with the most amazing
extravagances。
It would be wholly unfair to judge Anarchist doctrine； or the views of
its leading exponents； by such phenomena； but it remains a fact that
Anarchism attracts to itself much that lies on the borderland of insanity
and common crime。＇18＇ This must be remembered in exculpation of the
authorities and the thoughtless public； who often confound in a common
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