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the origins of contemporary france-3-第11章

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person; and; among the candidates。 I should designate; to the best of

my ability; one who seemed to me the ablest and most conscientious。

Once selected; however; and installed; I should not attempt to dictate

to him; his cabinet is private; and I have no right to run there

constantly and cross…question him; as if he were a child or under

suspicion。 It does not become me to tell him what to do; he probably

knows more about the case than I do; in any event; to keep a steady

hand; he must not be threatened; and; to keep a clear head; he must

not be disturbed。  Nor must I be disturbed; my office and books; my

shop; my customers must be attended to as well。 Everybody has to mind

his own business; and whoever would attend to his own and another's

too; spoils both。  This way of thinking prevails with most healthy

minds towards the beginning of the year 1790; all whose heads are not

turned by insane ambition and the mania for theorizing; especially

after six months of practical experience and knowing the dangers;

miscalculation; and vexations to which one is exposed in trying to

lead an eager; over…excited population。  Just at this time; December

1789; municipal law becomes established throughout the country; all

the mayors and municipal officers are elected almost immediately; and

in the following months; all administrators of districts and

departments。 The interregnum has a length come to an end。 Legal

authorities now exist; with legitimate and clearly…determined

functions。 Reasonable; honest people gladly turn power over to those

to whom it belongs; and certainly do not dream of resuming it。 All

associations for temporary purposes are at once disbanded for lack of

an object; and if others are formed; it is for the purpose of

defending established institutions。 This is the object of the

Federation; and; for six months; people embrace each other and

exchange oaths of fidelity。  After this; July 14; 1790; they retire

into private life; and I have no doubt that; from this date; the

political ambition of a large plurality of the French people is

satisfied; for; although Rousseau's denunciation of the social

hierarchy are still cited by them; they; at bottom; desire but little

more than the suppression of administrative brutality and state

favoritism。'7'  All this is obtained; and plenty of other things

besides; the august title of sovereign; the respect of the public

authorities; honors to all who wield a pen or make a speech; and;

better still; actual sovereignty in the appointment to office of all

local land national administrators; not only do the people elect their

deputies; but every species of functionary of every degree; those of

commune; district; and department; officers in the national guard;

civil and criminal magistrates; bishops and priests。 Again; to ensure

the responsibility of the elected to their electors; the term of

office fixed by law is a short one;'8' the electoral machine which

summons the sovereign to exercise his sovereignty being set agoing

about every four months。  This was a good deal; and too  much; as

the sovereign himself soon discovers。 Voting so frequently becomes

unendurable; so many prerogatives end in getting to be drudgery。 Early

in 1790; and after this date; the majority forego the privilege of

voting and the number of absentees becomes enormous。 At Chartres; in

May; 1790;'9' 1;447 out of 1;551 voters do not attend preliminary

meetings。 At Besan?on; in January; 1790; on the election of mayor and

municipal officers; 2;141 out of 3;200 registered electors are

recorded as absent from the polls; and 2;900 in the following month of

November。'10'  At Grenoble; in August and November of this year; out

of 2;500 registered voters; more than 2;000 are noted as absent。'11'

At Limoges; out of about the same number; there are only 150 voters。

At Paris; out of 81;400 electors; in August; 1790; 67;200 do not vote;

and; three months later; the number of absentees is 71 ;408。'12'



 Thus for every elector that votes; there are four; six; eight; ten;

and even sixteen that abstain from voting。  In the election of

deputies; the case is the same。 At the primary meetings of 1791; in

Paris; out of  81;200 registered names more than 74;000 fail to

respond。  In the Doubs; three out of four voters stay away。  In one of

the cantons of the C?te d'Or; at the close of the polls; only one…

eighth of the electors remain at the counting of the votes; while in

the secondary meetings the desertion is not less。  At Paris; out of

946 electors chosen only 200 are found to give their suffrage; at

Rouen; out of 700 there are but 160; and on the last day of the

ballot; only 60。 In short; 〃in all departments;〃 says an orator in the

tribune; 〃scarcely one out of five electors of the second degree

discharges his duty。〃



In this manner the majority hands in its resignation。 Through inertia;

want of forethought; lassitude; aversion to the electoral hubbub; lack

of political preferences; or dislike of all the political candidates;

it shirks the task which the constitution imposes on it。  Most

certainly is has no taste for the painstaking burden of being involved

in a league (of human rights)。 Men who cannot find time once in three

months to drop a ballot in the box; will not come three times a week

to attend the meetings of a club。 Far from meddling with the

government; they abdicate; and as they refuse to elect it; they cannot

undertake to control it。



It is; on the other hand;  just the opposite with the upstarts and

dogmatists who regard their royal privileges seriously。 They not only

vote at the elections; but they mean to keep the authority they

delegate in their own hands。 In their eyes every official is one of

their creatures; and remains accountable to them; for; in point of

law; the people may not part with their sovereignty; while; in fact;

power has proved so sweet that they are not disposed to part with

it。'13'  During six months preceding the regular elections; they have

come to know; comprehend; and test each other; they have held secret

meetings; a mutual understanding is arrived at; and henceforth; as

other associations disappear like fleeting bloom; theirs'14' rise

vigorously on the abandoned soil。 A club is established at Marseilles

before the end of 1789; each large town has one within the first six

months of 1790; Aix in February; Montpellier in March; N?mes in April;

Lyons in May; and Bordeaux in June。'15'  But their greatest increase

takes place after the Federation festival。 Just when local gatherings

merge into that of the whole country; the sectarian Jacobins keep

aloof; and form leagues of their own。 At Rouen; July 14; 1790; two

surgeons; a printer; a chaplain at the prison; a widowed Jewess; and

four  women or children living in the house; … eight persons in all;

pure and not to be confounded with the mass;'16' bind themselves

together; and form a distinct association。 Their patriotism is of

superior quality; and they take a special view of the social

compact;'17' in swearing fealty to the constitution they reserve to

themselves the Rights of Man; and they mean to maintain not only the

reforms already effected; but to complete the Revolution just begun。 …

During the Federation they have welcomed and indoctrinated their

fellows who; on quitting the capital or large cities; become bearers

of instructions to the small towns and hamlets; they are told what the

object of a club is; and how to form one; and; everywhere; popular

associations arise on the same plan; for the same purpose; and bearing

the same name。 A month later; sixty of these associations are in

operation; three months later; one hundred; in March; 1791; two

hundred and twenty…nine; and in August; 1791; nearly four hundred。'18'

After this date a sudden increase takes place; owing to two

simultaneous impulses; which scatter their seeds over the entire

territory。  On the one hand; at then end of July; 1791; all 
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