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suffered shipwreck in both countries。 Just as formerly in the year



1786; so also on this occasion; the English received great support



from the theorists; and the liberal party in France; carried away



by the grand idea of universal freedom of trade and by Say's



superficial arguments; and from feelings of opposition towards a



detested Government and supported by the maritime towns; the wine



growers; and the silk manufacturers; the liberal party clamorously



demanded; as they had done in the year 1786; extension of the trade



with England as the one true method of promoting the national



welfare。



    For whatever faults people may lay to the charge of the



Restoration; it rendered an undeniable service to France; a service



which posterity will not dispute; it did not allow itself to be



misled into a false step as respects commercial policy either by



the stratagems of the English or by the outcry of the liberals。 Mr



Canning laid this business so much to heart that he himself made a



journey to Paris in order to convince Monsieur Vill鑜e of the



excellence of his measures; and to induce him to imitate them。 M。



Vill鑜e was; however; much too practical not to see completely



through this stratagem; he is said to have replied to Mr Canning;



'If England in the far advanced position of her industry permits



greater foreign competition than formerly; that policy corresponds



to England's own well…understood interests。 But at this time it is



to the well…understood interests of France that she should secure



to her manufactories which have not as yet attained perfect



development; that protection which is at present indispensable to



them for that object。 But whenever the moment shall have arrived



when French manufacturing industry can be better promoted by



permitting foreign competition than by restricting it; then he (M。



Vill鑜e) would not delay to derive advantage from following the



example of Mr Canning。'



    Annoyed by this conclusive answer; Canning boasted in open



Parliament after his return; how he had hung a millstone on the



neck of the French Government by means of the Spanish intervention;



from which it follows that the cosmopolitan sentiments and the



European liberalism of Mr Canning were not spoken quite so much in



earnest as the good liberals on the Continent might have chosen to



believe。 For how could Mr Canning; if the cause of liberalism on



the Continent had interested him in the least; have sacrificed the



liberal constitution of Spain to the French intervention owing to



the mere desire to hang a millstone round the neck of the French



Government? The truth is; that Mr Canning was every inch an



Englishman; and he only permitted himself to entertain



philanthropical or cosmopolitical sentiments; when they could prove



serviceable to him in strengthening and still further extending the



industry and commercial supremacy of England; or in throwing dust



into the eyes of England's rivals in industry and commerce。



    In fact; no great sagacity was needed on the part of M。 Vill鑜e



to perceive the snare which had been laid for him by Mr Canning。 In



the experience of neighbouring Germany; who after the abolition of



the Continental system had continually retrograded farther and



farther in respect of her industry; M。 Vill鑜e possessed a striking



proof of the true value of the principle of commercial freedom as



it was understood in England。 Also France was prospering too well



under the system which she had adopted since 1815; for her to be



willing to attempt; like the dog in the fable; to let go the



substance and snap at the shadow。 Men of the deepest insight into



the condition of industry; such as Chaptal and Charles Dupin; had



expressed themselves on the results of this system in the most



unequivocal manner。



    Chaptal's work on French industry is nothing less than a



defence of the French commercial policy; and an exposition of its



results as a whole and in every particular。 The tendency of this



work is expressed in the following quotation from it。 'Instead of



losing ourselves in the labyrinth of metaphysical abstractions; we



maintain above all that which exists; and seek above all to make it



perfect。 Good customs legislation is the bulwark of manufacturing



industry。 It increases or lessens import duties according to



circumstances; it compensates the disadvantages of higher wages of



labour and of higher prices of fuel; it protects arts and



industries in their cradle until they at length become strong



enough to bear foreign competition; it creates the industrial



independence of France and enriches the nation through labour;



which; as I have already often remarked; is the chief source of



wealth。'(4*)



    Charles Dupin had; in his work 'On the Productive Powers of



France; and on the Progress of French Industry from 1814 to 1847;'



thrown such a clear light on the results of the commercial policy



which France had followed since the Restoration; that it was



impossible that a French minister could think of sacrificing this



work of half a century; which had cost such sacrifices; which was



so rich in fruits; and so full of promise for the future; merely



for the attractions of a Methuen Treaty。



    The American tariff for the year 1828 was a natural and



necessary result of the English commercial system; which shut out



from the English frontiers the North American timber; grain; meal;



and other agricultural products; and only permitted raw cotton to



be received by England in exchange for her manufactured goods。 On



this system the trade with England only tended to promote the



agricultural labour of the American slaves; while on the other



hand; the freest; most enlightened; and most powerful States of the



Union found themselves entirely arrested in their economical



progress; and thus reduced to dispose of their annual surplus of



population and capital by emigration to the waste lands of the



West。 Mr Huskisson understood this position of affairs very well。



It was notorious that the English ambassador in Washington had more



than once correctly informed him of the inevitable consequence of



the English policy。 If Mr Huskisson had really been the man that



people in other countries supposed him to be; he would have made



use of the publication of the American tariff as a valuable



opportunity for making the English aristocracy comprehend the folly



of their corn laws; and the necessity of abolishing them。 But what



did Mr Huskisson do? He fell into a passion with the Americans (or



at least affected to do so); and in his excitement he made



allegations  the incorrectness of which was well known to every



American planter  and permitted himself to use threats which made



him ridiculous。 Mr Huskisson said the exports of England to the



United States amounted to only about the sixth part of all the



exports of England; while the exports of the United States to



England constituted more than half of all their exports。 From this



he sought to prove that the Americans were more in the power of the



English than the latter were in that of the former; and that the



English had much less reason to fear interruptions of trade through



war; cessation of intercourse; and so forth; than the Americans



had。 If one looks merely at the totals of the value of the imports



and exports; Huskisson's argument appears sufficiently plausible;



but if one considers the nature of the reciprocal imports and



exports; it will then appear incomprehensible how Mr Huskisson



could make use of an argument w
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