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Germany by this policy than the material values which she
sacrifices for the moment in her maritime provinces； or rather
invests for repayment in the future。
The object of the English ministry in this report is clearly to
obtain the admission into Germany of ordinary English woollen and
cotton fabrics； partly through the abolition or at least
modification of charging duties by weight； partly through the
lowering of the tariff； and partly by the admission of the German
grain and timber into the English market。 By these means the first
breach can be made in the German protective system。 These articles
of ordinary use （as we have already shown in a former chapter） are
by far the most important； they are the fundamental element of the
national industry。 Duties of ten per cent ad valorem； which are
clearly aimed at by England； would； with the assistance of the
usual tricks of under declaration of value； sacrifice the greater
part of the German industry to English competition； especially if
in consequence of commercial crises the English manufacturers were
sometimes induced to throw on the market their stocks of goods at
any price。 It is therefore no exaggeration if we maintain that the
tendency of the English proposals aims at nothing less than the
overthrow of the entire Germ an protective system； in order to
reduce Germany to the position of an English agricultural colony。
With this object in view it is impressed on。the notice of Prussia
how greatly her agriculture might gain by the reduction of the
English corn and timber duties； and how unimportant her
manufacturing interest is。 With the same view； the prospect is
offered to Prussia of a reduction of the duties on brandy。 And in
order that the other states may not go quite empty away a five per
cent reduction of the duties on N黵emberg wares； children's toys；
eau de Cologne； and other trifles； is promised。 That gives
satisfaction to the small German states； and also does not cost
much。
The next attempt will be to convince the German governments； by
means of this report； how advantageous to them it would be to let
England spin cotton and linen yarns for them。 It cannot be doubted
that hitherto the policy adopted by the Union； first of all to
encourage and protect the printing of cloths and then weaving； and
to import the medium and finer yarns； has been the right one。 But
from that it in nowise follows that it would continue to be the
right one for all time。 The tariff legislation must advance as the
national industry advances if it is rightly to fulfil its purpose。
We have already shown that the spinning factories； quite apart from
their importance in themselves； yet are the source of further
incalculable benefits； inasmuch as they place us in direct
commercial communication with the countries of warm climate； and
hence that they exercise an incalculable influence on our
navigation and on our export of manufactures； and that they benefit
our manufactories of machinery more than any other branch of
manufacture。 Inasmuch as it cannot be doubted that Germany cannot
be hindered either by want of water power and of capable workmen；
or by lack of material capital or intelligence； from carrying on
for herself this great and fruitful industry； so we cannot see why
we should not gradually protect the spinning of yarns from one
number to another； in such a way that in the course of five to ten
years we may be able to spin for ourselves the greater part of what
we require。 However highly one may estimate the advantages of the
export of grain and timber； they cannot nearly equal the benefits
which must accrue to us from the spinning manufacture。 Indeed； we
have no hesitation in expressing the belief that it could be
incontestably proved； by a calculation of the consumption of
agricultural products and timber which would be created by the
spinning industry； that from this branch of manufacture alone far
greater benefits must accrue to the German landowners than the
foreign market will ever or can ever offer them。
Dr Bowring doubts that Hanover； Brunswick； the two
Mecklenburgs； Oldenburg； and the Hanse Towns will join the Union；
unless the latter is willing to make a radical reduction in its
import duties。 The latter proposal； however； cannot be seriously
considered； because it would be immeasurably worse than the evil
which by it； it is desired to remedy。
Our confidence in the prosperity of the future of Germany is；
however； by no means so weak as that of the author of the report。
Just as the Revolution of July has proved beneficial to the German
Commercial Union； so must the next great general convulsion make an
end of all the minor hesitations by which these small states have
hitherto been withheld from yielding to the greater requirements of
the German nationality。 Of what value the commercial unity has been
to the nationality； and of what value it is to German governments；
quite apart from mere material interests； has been recently for the
first time very strongly demonstrated； when the desire to acquire
the Rhine frontier has been loudly expressed in France。
From day to day it is necessary that the governments and
peoples of Germany should be more convinced that national unity is
the rock on which the edifice of their welfare； their honour； their
power； their present security and existence； and their future
greatness； must be founded。 Thus from day to day the apostasy of
these small maritime states will appear more and more； not only to
the states in the Union； but to these small states themselves； in
the light of a national scandal which must be got rid of at any
price。 Also； if the matter is intelligently considered； the
material advantages of joining the Union are much greater for those
states themselves than the sacrifice which it requires。 The more
that manufacturing industry； that the internal means of transport；
the navigation； and the foreign trade of Germany； develop
themselves； in that degree in which under a wise commercial policy
they can and must be developed in accordance with the resources of
the nation； so much the more will the desire become more vigorous
on the part of those small states directly to participate in these
advantages； and so much the more will they leave off the bad habit
of looking to foreign countries for blessings and prosperity。
In reference to the Hanse Towns especially； the spirit of
imperial citizenship of the sovereign parish of Hamburg in no way
deters us from our hopes。 In those cities； according to the
testimony of the author of the report himself； dwell a great number
of men who comprehend that Hamburg； Bremen； and Lubeck are and must
be to the German nation that which London and Liverpool are to the
English； that which New York； Boston； and Philadelphia are to the
Americans men who clearly see that the Commercial Union can
offer advantages to their commerce with the world which far exceed
the disadvantages of subjection to the regulations of the Union；
and that a prosperity without any guarantee for its continuance is
fundamentally a delusion。
What sensible inhabitant of those seaports could heartily
congratulate himself on the continual increase of their tonnage； on
the continual extension of their commercial relations； if he
reflected that two frigates； which coming from Heligoland could be
stationed at the mouths of the Weser and the Elbe； would be in a
position to destroy in twenty…four hours this work of a