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under the pressure of society in that quarter of the world； and
toward which we are fast tending by a rapid accumulation of
numbers； the present institutions of America； exercised under the
prevalent opinions of the day； could not endure a twelvemonth。
That which is now seen in France rendering real political liberty
a mere stalking…horse for the furtherance of the projects of the
boldest adventurers； would inevitably be seen here； the bayonet
alone would be relied on for the preservation of the nearest and
dearest of human rights。 There could and would be no other
security for the peace of society； and that circle of power
which； rising in the masses； ends in the sceptre of the single
despot； would once more be made as it might be in derision of all
our efforts to be free。
｛now seen in France = following the French Revolution of 1848
Louis Napoleon Bonaparte （1808…1873）； nephew of the first Emperor
Napoleon； had been elected as President of France and was
consolidating his powerin December 1851； shortly after Cooper's
death； he would proclaim himself Emperor Napoleon III｝
If the existence of nations resembled that of individuals； it
would not be difficult to foretell the consequences of this state
of things； but communities may be said to have no lives； and are
ever to be found occupying their places； and using the means
assigned to them by Providence； whether free or enslaved；
prosperous or the reverse。 No one can foretell the future of this
great country； in consequence of the extent and number of its
outlets； each a provision of Providence to put a check on
revolutions and violence。
The elements of a monarchy do not exist among us； the habits of
the entire country are opposed to the reception of such a form of
government。 Nor do we know； bad as our condition is rapidly
getting to be； strong as are the tendencies to social
dissolution； and to the abuses which demand force to subdue； that
anything would be gained by the adoption of any substitute for
the present polity of the country to be found in Europe。 The
abuses there are possibly worse than our own； and the only
question would seem to be as to the degree of suffering and wrong
to which men are compelled to submit through the infirmities of
their own nature。 There is one great advantage in the monarchical
principle； when subdued by liberal institutions； as in the case
of the government of that nation from which we are derived； which
it would seem a republic cannot possess。 We allude to the
transmission of a nominal executive power that spares the
turmoil； expense； and struggles of an election； and which answers
all the purposes of the real authorities of the State in
designating those who are to exercise the functions of rulers for
the time being。 It has often been predicted that the periodical
elections of the chief magistrate of this country will； at no
distant day； destroy the institutions。 It would be idle to deny
that the danger manifestly increases with the expedients of
factions； and that there are very grave grounds for apprehending
the worst consequences from this source of evil。 As it now is；
the working of the system has already produced a total departure
from the original intention of the Government； a scheme；
probably； that was radically defective when adopted； and which
contained the seeds of its own ruin。 Recourse to electors has
become an idle form； ponderous and awkward； and in some of its
features uselessly hazardous。 We are in the habit of comparing
the cost of government in this country with that of other nations
in the Old World。 Beyond a question； the Americans enjoy great
advantages in this important particular； owing to their exemption
from sources of expenses that weigh so heavily on those who rely
for the peace of society solely on the strong hand。 But confining
the investigation simply to the cost of Executives it may well be
questioned if we have not adopted the most expensive mode at
present known among civilized nations。 We entertain very little
doubt that the cost of a presidential election fully equals the
expenditures of the empire of Great Britain； liberal as they are
known to be； for the maintenance of the dignity of its chief
magistracy。 Nor is this the worst of it； for while much of the
civil list of a monarch is usefully employed in cherishing the
arts； and in fostering industry； to say nothing of its boons to
the dependent and meritorious in the shape of pensions； not a
dollar of the millions that are wasted every fourth year among
ourselves in the struggles of parties； can be said to be applied
to a purpose that has not a greater tendency to evil than to
good。 The simple publication of documents； perhaps； may form some
exception to these abuses； but even they are so much filled with
falsehoods； fallacies； audacious historical misstatements；
exaggerations； and every other abuse； naturally connected with
such struggles； that we are compelled to yield them our respect
and credulity with large allowances for caution and truth。 Were
this the place； and did our limits permit； we would gladly pursue
this subject； for so completely has the hurrah of popular sway
looked down everything like real freedom in the discussion of
such a topic as to render the voice of dissent almost unknown to
us。 But our purpose is merely to show what probable effects are
to flow from the abuses of the institutions on the growth of the
great commercial mart of which we are writing。
｛recourse to electors = the Electoral College｝
We certainly think that even the looseness of law； legislation；
and justice； that is so widely spreading itself over the land； is
not exactly unsuited to sustain the rapid settlement of a
country。 No doubt men accomplish more in the earlier stages of
society when perfectly unfettered； than when brought under the
control of those principles and regulations which alone can
render society permanently secure or happy。 In this sense even
the abuses to which we have slightly alluded may be tolerated；
which it would be impossible to endure when the class of the
needy become formidable from its numbers； and they who had no
other stake in society than their naked assistance； could combine
to transfer the fruits of the labors of the more industrious and
successful to themselves by a simple recurrence to the use of the
ballot box。 We do not say that such is to be the fate of this
country； for the great results that seem to be dependent on its
settlement raise a hope that the hand of Providence may yet guide
us in safety through the period of delusion； and the reign of
political fallacies； which is fast drawing around us。 Evil is so
much mixed with good in all the interests of life； that it would
be bold to pretend to predict consequences of such magnitude in
the history of any nation。 But we feel persuaded that radical
changes must speedily come； either from the powerful but
invisible control of that Being who effects his own purposes in
his own wise ways； or the time is much nearer than is ordinarily
supposed when the very existence of the political institutions of
this country are to be brought to the test of the severest
practical experiment。 The downward tendency can hardly proceed
much further with the smallest necessary security to the rights
of civilized men。 When a legislative body can be brought solemnly
to decide by its vote that because the principles of law leave
them the control of the rules for the descent of property；
therefore； whenever a landlord may happen to die； his tenant
shall have the privilege of converting his leasehold estate into
a fee on which the debt is secured in the shape of mortgage；
there is little left in the way of security to the affluent and
unrepresented。 They must unite their means to prevent
destruction； and woe to that land which gives so plausible an
excuse to the rich and intelligent for combining their means to
overt