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Pompey to end the Roman Republic； amphitheatre of Verona = built
by the Emperor Diocletian about 290 A。D。 to stage gladiator
combats； it is one of the largest surviving Roman amphitheaters｝
The world has had a striking example of the potency of commerce
as opposed to that of even the sword； in the abortive policy of
Napoleon to exclude England from the trade of the Continent。 At
the very moment that this potentate of unequalled means and iron
rule was doing all he could to achieve his object； the goods of
Manchester found their way into half of his dependent provinces；
and the Thames was crowded with shipping which belonged to states
that the emperor supposed to be under his control。
｛abortive policy = in the early years of the 19th century the
French Emperor Napoleon had sought； largely unsuccessfully； to
blockade England from trade with Europe｝
As to the notion of there arising any rival ports； south； to
compete with New York； it strikes us as a chimera。 New Orleans
will always maintain a qualified competition with every place not
washed by the waters of the great valley； but New Orleans is
nothing but a local port； after allof great wealth and
importance； beyond a doubt； but not the mart of America。
New York is essentially national in interests； position； and
pursuits。 No one thinks of the place as belonging to a particular
State； but to the United States。 The revenue paid into the
treasury； at this point； comes in reality； from the pockets of
the whole country； and belongs to the whole country。 The same is
true of her sales and their proceeds。 Indeed； there is very
little political sympathy between the places at the mouth of the
Hudson； and the interiorthe vulgar prejudice of envy； and the
jealousy of the power of collected capital； causing the country
to distrust the town。
We are aware that the governing motive of commerce； all over the
world； is the love of gain。 It differs from the love of gain in
its lower aspects； merely in its greater importance and its
greater activity。 These cause it to be more engrossing among
merchants than among the tillers of the soil： still； facts prove
that this state of things has many relieving shades。 The man who
is accustomed to deal in large sums is usually raised above the
more sordid vices of covetousness and avarice in detail。 There
are rich misers； certainly； but they are exceptions。 We do not
believe that the merchant is one tittle more mercenary than the
husbandman in his motives； while he is certainly much more
liberal of his gains。 One deals in thousands； the other in tens
and twenties。 It is seldom； however； that a failing market； or a
sterile season； drives the owner of the plough to desperation；
and his principles； if he have any； may be preserved； while the
losses or risks of an investment involving more than the merchant
really owns； suspend him for a time on the tenter…hooks of
commercial doubt。 The man thus placed must have more than a
common share of integrity； to reason right when interest tempts
him to do wrong。
Notwithstanding the generally fallacious character of the
governing motive of all commercial communities； there is much to
mitigate its selfishness。 The habit of regarding the entire
country and its interests with a friendly eye； and of associating
themselves with its fortunes； liberalizes its mind and wishes；
and confers a catholic spirit that the capital of a mere province
does not possess。 Boston； for instance； is leagued with Lowell；
and Lawrence； and Cambridge； and seldom acts collectively without
betraying its provincial mood； while New York receives her goods
and her boasted learning by large tran｛s｝shipments； without any
special consciousness of the transactions。 This habit of
generalizing in interests encourages the catholic spirit
mentioned； and will account for the nationality of the great mart
of a great and much extended country。 The feeling would be apt to
endure through many changes； and keep alive the connection of
commerce even after that of the political relations may have
ceased。 New York； at this moment； contributes her full share to
the prosperity of London； though she owes no allegiance to St。
James。
The American Union； however； has much more adhesiveness than is
commonly imagined。 The diversity and complexity of its interests
form a network that will be found； like the web of the spider； to
possess a power of resistance far exceeding its gossamer
appearanceone strong enough to hold all that it was ever
intended to inclose。 The slave interest is now making its final
effort for supremacy； and men are deceived by the throes of a
departing power。 The institution of domestic slavery cannot last。
It is opposed to the spirit of the age； and the figments of Mr。
Calhoun； in affirming that the Territories belong to the States；
instead of the Government of the United States； and the
celebrated doctrine of the equilibrium； for which we look in vain
into the Constitution for a single sound argument to sustain it；
are merely the expiring efforts of a reasoning that cannot resist
the common sense of the nation。 As it is healthful to exhaust all
such questions； let us turn aside a moment； to give a passing
glance at this very material subject。
｛Calhoun = Senator John C。 Calhoun （1782…1850｝ of South Carolina｝
At the time when the Constitution was adopted； three classes of
persons were 〃held to service〃 in the countryapprentices；
redemptioners； and slaves。 The two first classes were by no means
insignificant in 1789； and the redemptioners were rapidly
increasing in numbers。 In that day； it looked as if this
speculative importation of laborers from Europe was to form a
material part of the domestic policy of the Northern States。 Now
the negro is a human being； as well as an apprentice or a
redemptioner； though the Constitution does not consider him as
the equal of either。 It is a great mistake to suppose that the
Constitution of the United States； as it now exists； recognizes
slavery in any manner whatever； unless it be to mark it as an
interest that has less than the common claim to the ordinary
rights of humanity。 In the apportionment； or representation
clause； the redemptioner and the apprentice counts each as a man；
whereas five slaves are enumerated as only three free men。 The
free black is counted as a man； in all particulars； and is
represented as such； but his fellow in slavery has only three
fifths of his political value。
This is the celebrated clause in which the Constitution is said
to recognize slavery。 To our view the clause is perfectly
immaterial in this sense； making the simple provision that so
long as a State shall choose to keep a portion of her people in
this subordinate condition； she shall enjoy only this limited
degree of representation。 To us； it appears to be a concession
made to freedom； and not to slavery。 There is no obligation；
unless self…imposed； to admit any but a minority of her whites to
the enjoyment of political power； aristocracy being； in truth；
more closely assimilated to republicanism than democracy。
Republicanism means the sovereignty of public THINGS instead of
that of PERSONS； or the representation of the COMMON interests；
in lieu of those of a monarch。 There is no common principle of
popular sway recognized in the Constitution。 In the government of
the several States monarchy is denounced； but democracy is
nowhere proclaimed or insisted on。 Marked differences in the
degrees of popular control existed in the country in 1789； and
though time is lessening them； are still to be found among us。
The close consideration of all these facts； we feel persuaded
will give a coloring to some of the most important interests of
the country； differing essentially from those that have been
loosely adopted in the conflicts of parties； and many heresies
appear to us to have crept into the political creed of the
Repub