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is the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the
institution of slavery and the black race。 This is the whole of it；
and anything that argues me into his idea of perfect social and
political equality with the negro； is but a specious and fantastic
arrangement of words； by which a man can prove a horse…chestnut to be
a chestnut horse。 I will say here； while upon this subject； that I
have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the
institution of slavery in the States where it exists。 I believe I
have no lawful right to do so； and I have no inclination to do so。 I
have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between
the white and the black races。 There is a physical difference
between the two which； in my judgment； will probably forbid their
ever living together upon the footing of perfect equality； and
inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference；
I； as well as Judge Douglas； am in favor of the race to which I
belong having the superior position。 I have never said anything to
the contrary； but I hold that； notwithstanding all this； there is no
reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural
rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence；the right to
life； liberty and the pursuit of happiness。 I hold that he is as
much entitled to these as the white man。 I agree with judge Douglas；
he is not my equal in many respects；certainly not in color； perhaps
not in moral or intellectual endowments。 But in the right to eat the
bread； without leave of anybody else； which his own hand earns； he is
my equal； and the equal of Judge Douglas； and the equal of every
living man。〃
Upon a subsequent occasion； when the reason for making a statement
like this occurred； I said：
〃While I was at the hotel to…day an elderly gentleman called upon me
to know whether I was really in favor of producing perfect equality
between the negroes and white people。 While I had not proposed to
myself on this occasion to say much on that subject； yet； as the
question was asked me； I thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes
in saying something in regard to it。 I will say； then； that I am
not； nor ever have been； in favor of bringing about in any way the
social and political equality of the white and black races； that I am
not； nor ever have been； in favor of making voters or jurors of
negroes； nor of qualifying them to hold office； or intermarry with
the white people； and I will say in addition to this that there is a
physical difference between the white and black races which I believe
will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social
and political equality。 And inasmuch as they can not so live； while
they do remain together there must be the position of superior and
inferior； and I； as much as any other man； am in favor of having the
superior position assigned to the white race。 I say upon this
occasion I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the
superior position； the negro should be denied everything。 I do not
understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave； I
must necessarily want her for a wife。 My understanding is that I can
just let her alone。 I am now in my fiftieth year； and I certainly
never have had a black woman for either a slave or a wife。 So it
seems to me quite possible for us to get along without making either
slaves or wives of negroes。 I will add to this that I have never
seen； to my knowledge； a man； woman； or child； who was in favor of
producing perfect equality； social and political； between negroes and
white men。 I recollect of but one distinguished instance that I ever
heard of so frequently as to be satisfied of its correctness； and
that is the case of Judge Douglas's old friend Colonel Richard M。
Johnson。 I will also add to the remarks I have made （for I am not
going to enter at large upon this subject； that I have never had the
least apprehension that I or my friends would marry negroes； if there
was no law to keep them from it； but as judge Douglas and his friends
seem to be in great apprehension that they might； if there were no
law to keep them from it； I give him the most solemn pledge that I
will to the very last stand by the law of the State which forbids the
marrying of white people with negroes。〃
There； my friends； you have briefly what I have； upon former
occasions； said upon this subject to which this newspaper； to the
extent of its ability； has drawn the public attention。 In it you not
only perceive； as a probability； that in that contest I did not at
any time say I was in favor of negro suffrage； but the absolute proof
that twiceonce substantially； and once expresslyI declared
against it。 Having shown you this； there remains but a word of
comment upon that newspaper article。 It is this； that I presume the
editor of that paper is an honest and truth…loving man； and that he
will be greatly obliged to me for furnishing him thus early an
opportunity to correct the misrepresentation he has made； before it
has run so long that malicious people can call him a liar。
The Giant himself has been here recently。 I have seen a brief report
of his speech。 If it were otherwise unpleasant to me to introduce
the subject of the negro as a topic for discussion； I might be
somewhat relieved by the fact that he dealt exclusively in that
subject while he was here。 I shall； therefore； without much
hesitation or diffidence； enter upon this subject。
The American people； on the first day of January； 1854； found the
African slave trade prohibited by a law of Congress。 In a majority
of the States of this Union； they found African slavery； or any other
sort of slavery； prohibited by State constitutions。 They also found
a law existing； supposed to be valid； by which slavery was excluded
from almost all the territory the United States then owned。 This was
the condition of the country； with reference to the institution of
slavery； on the first of January； 1854。 A few days after that； a
bill was introduced into Congress； which ran through its regular
course in the two branches of the national legislature； and finally
passed into a law in the month of May； by which the Act of Congress
prohibiting slavery from going into the Territories of the United
States was repealed。 In connection with the law itself； and； in
fact； in the terms of the law； the then existing prohibition was not
only repealed； but there was a declaration of a purpose on the part
of Congress never thereafter to exercise any power that they might
have； real or supposed； to prohibit the extension or spread of
slavery。 This was a very great change； for the law thus repealed was
of more than thirty years' standing。 Following rapidly upon the
heels of this action of Congress； a decision of the Supreme Court is
made； by which it is declared that Congress； if it desires to
prohibit the spread of slavery into the Territories； has no
constitutional power to do so。 Not only so； but that decision lays
down principles which； if pushed to their logical conclusion；I say
pushed to their logical conclusion；would decide that the
constitutions of free States； forbidding slavery； are themselves
unconstitutional。 Mark me； I do not say the judges said this； and
let no man say I affirm the judges used these words； but I only say
it is my opinion that what they did say； if pressed to its logical
conclusion； will inevitably result thus。
Looking at these things； the Republican party； as I understand its
principles and policy； believes that there is great danger of the
institution of slavery being spread out and extended until it is
ultimately made alike lawful in all the States of this Union； so
believing； to prevent that incidental and ultimate consummation is
the original and chief purpose of the Republican organization。 I say
〃chief purpose〃 of the Republican organization； for