按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！
laid before you。
Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled 〃An act to
confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes；〃 approved
August 6； 1861； the legal claims of certain persons to the labor and
service of certain other persons have become forfeited； and numbers
of the latter thus liberated are already dependent on the United
States； and must be provided for in some way。 Besides this； it is
not impossible that some of the States will pass similar enactments
for their own benefit respectively； and by operation of which persons
of the same class will be thrown upon them for disposal。 In such
case I recommend that Congress provide for accepting such persons
from such States； according to some mode of valuation； in lieu； pro
tanto； of direct taxes； or upon some other plan to be agreed on with
such States respectively； that such persons； on such acceptance by
the General Government； be at once deemed free； and that in any event
steps be taken for colonizing both classes （or the one first
mentioned if the other shall not be brought into existence） at some
place or places in a climate congenial to them。 It might be well to
consider； too； whether the free colored people already in the United
States could not； so far as individuals may desire； be included in
such colonization。
To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of
territory； and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be
expended in the territorial acquisition。 Having practised the
acquisition of territory for nearly sixty years； the question of
constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one with us。 The
power was questioned at first by Mr。 Jefferson； who； however； in the
purchase of Louisiana； yielded his scruples on the plea of great
expediency。 If it be said that the only legitimate object of
acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white men； this measure
effects that object； for emigration of colored men leaves additional
room for white men remaining or coming here。 Mr。 Jefferson； however；
placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on political and
commercial grounds than on providing room for population。
On this whole proposition； including the appropriation of money with
the acquisition of territory； does not the expediency amount to
absolute necessitythat without which the government itself cannot
be perpetuated？
The war continues。 In considering the policy to be adopted for
suppressing the insurrection I have been anxious and careful that the
inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a
violent and remorseless revolutionary struggle。 I have therefore in
every case thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union
prominent as the primary object of the contest on our part； leaving
all questions which are not of vital military importance to the more
deliberate action of the Legislature。
In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade
of the ports held by the insurgents； instead of putting in force by
proclamation the law of Congress enacted at the late session for
closing those ports。
So also； obeying the dictates of prudence； as well as the obligations
of law； instead of transcending I have adhered to the act of Congress
to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes。 If a new
law upon the same subject shall be proposed； its propriety will be
duly considered。 The Union must be preserved； and hence all
indispensable means must be employed。 We should not be in haste to
determine that radical and extreme measures； which may reach the
loyal as well as the disloyal； are indispensable。
The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration and the
message to Congress at the late special session were both mainly
devoted to topics domestic controversy out of which the insurrection
and consequent war have sprung。 Nothing now occurs to add or
subtract to or from the principles or general purposes stated and
expressed in those documents。
The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired at
the assault upon Fort Sumter； and a general review of what has
occurred since may not be unprofitable。 What was painfully uncertain
then is much better defined and more distinct now； and the progress
of events is plainly in the right direction。 The insurgents
confidently claimed a strong support from north of Mason and Dixon's
line； and the friends of the Union were not free from apprehension on
the point。 This； however； was soon settled definitely； and on the
right side。 South of the line noble little Delaware led off right
from the first。 Maryland was made to seem against the Union。 Our
soldiers were assaulted； bridges were burned； and railroads torn up
within her limits； and we were many days at one time without the
ability to bring a single regiment over her soil to the capital。 Now
her bridges and railroads are repaired and open to the government；
she already gives seven regiments to the cause of the Union； and none
to the enemy； and her people； at a regular election； have sustained
the Union by a larger majority and a larger aggregate vote than they
ever before gave to any candidate or any question。 Kentucky； too；
for some time in doubt； is now decidedly and； I think； unchangeably
ranged on the side of the Union。 Missouri is comparatively quiet；
and； I believe； can； not again be overrun by the insurrectionists。
These three States of Maryland； Kentucky； and Missouri； neither of
which would promise a single soldier at first； have now an aggregate
of not less than forty thousand in the field for the Union； while of
their citizens certainly not more than a third of that number； and
they of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence； are in arms
against us。 After a somewhat bloody struggle of months； winter
closes on the Union people of western Virginia； leaving them masters
of their own country。
An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred； for months dominating
the narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and
Northampton； and known as Eastern Shore of Virginia； together with
some contiguous parts of Maryland； have laid down their arms； and the
people there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted the
protection of the old flag。 This leaves no armed insurrectionist
north of the Potomac or east of the Chesapeake。
Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points on the
southern coast of Hatteras； Port Royal； Tybee Island （near Savannah）；
and Ship Island； and we likewise have some general accounts of
popular movements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and
Tennessee。
These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing
steadily and certainly southward。
Since your last adjournment Lieutenant…General Scott has retired from
the head of the army。 During his long life the nation has not been
unmindful of his merit； yet on calling to mind how faithfully； ably；
and brilliantly he has served the country； from a time far back in
our history； when few of the now living had been born； and
thenceforward continually； I cannot but think we are still his
debtors。 I submit； therefore； for your consideration what further
mark of recognition is due to him； and to ourselves as a grateful
people。
With the retirement of General Scott came the Executive duty of
appointing in his stead a general…in…chief of the army。 It is a
fortunate circumstance that neither in council nor country was there；
so far as I know； any difference of opinion as to the proper person
to be selected。 The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment
in favor of General McClellan for the position； and in this the
nation seemed to give a unanimous concurrence。 The designation of
General McClellan is therefore in considerable degree the selection
of the country as well as of the Executive； and hence there is be