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and maintain martial law in Saint Louis； the same is hereby
authorized。
A。 LINCOLN。
OFFER TO COOPERATE AND GIVE SPECIAL LINE OF INFORMATION TO HORACE
GREELEY
TO GOVERNOR WALKER。
WASHINGTON； November 21； 1861
DEAR GOVERNOR：I have thought over the interview which Mr。 Gilmore
has had with Mr。 Greeley； and the proposal that Greeley has made to
Gilmore； namely； that he ＇Gilmore＇ shall communicate to him ＇Greeley＇
all that he learns from you of the inner workings of the
administration； in return for his ＇Greeley's＇ giving such aid as he
can to the new magazine； and allowing you ＇Walker＇ from time to time
the use of his ＇Greeley's＇ columns when it is desirable to feel of；
or forestall； public opinion on important subjects。 The arrangement
meets my unqualified approval； and I shall further it to the extent
of my ability； by opening to youas I do nowfully the policy of
the Government；its present views and future intentions when formed；
giving you permission to communicate them to Gilmore for Greeley； and
in case you go to Europe I will give these things direct to Gilmore。
But all this must be on the express and explicit understanding that
the fact of these communications coming from me shall be absolutely
confidential；not to be disclosed by Greeley to his nearest friend；
or any of his subordinates。 He will be； in effect； my mouthpiece；
but I must not be known to be the speaker。
I need not tell you that I have the highest confidence in Mr。
Greeley。 He is a great power。 Having him firmly behind me will be
as helpful to me as an army of one hundred thousand men。
This was to be most severely regretted； when Greeley became a traitor
to the cause； editorialized for compromise and separationand
promoted McClellan as Democratic candidate for the Presidency。
That he has ever kicked the traces has been owing to his not being
fully informed。 Tell Gilmore to say to him that； if he ever objects
to my policy； I shall be glad to have him state to me his views
frankly and fully。 I shall adopt his if I can。 If I cannot； I will
at least tell him why。 He and I should stand together； and let no
minor differences come between us； for we both seek one end； which is
the saving of our country。 Now； Governor； this is a longer letter
than I have written in a month；longer than I would have written for
any other man than Horace Greeley。
Your friend； truly；
ABRAHAM LINCOLN。
P。 S。The sooner Gilmore sees Greeley the better； as you may before
long think it wise to ventilate our policy on the Trent affair。
ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL HALLECK TO SUSPEND
THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS；
DECEMBER 2； 1861。
MAJOR…GENERAL H。 W。 HALLECK；
Commanding in the Department of Missouri。
GENERAL：As an insurrection exists in the United States； and is in
arms in the State of Missouri； you are hereby authorized and
empowered to suspend the writ of habeas corpus within the limits of
the military division under your command； and to exercise martial law
as you find it necessary in your discretion to secure the public
safety and the authority of the United States。
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed at Washington； this second
day of December； A。D。 1861。
ABRAHAM LINCOLN。
By the President：
WILLIAM H。 SEWARD； Secretary of State。
ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS。
WASHINGTON； December 3； 1861
FELLOW…CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES：In the
midst of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great
gratitude to God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests。
You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of
the times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with
profound solicitude； chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs。
A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year
been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union。 A nation
which endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect
abroad； and one party； if not both； is sure sooner or later to invoke
foreign intervention。
Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the
counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition； although
measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate
and injurious to those adopting them。
The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin
of our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have
invoked abroad have received less patronage and encouragement than
they probably expected。 If it were just to suppose； as the
insurgents have seemed to assume； that foreign nations in this case；
discarding all moral； social； and treaty obligations； would act
solely and selfishly for the most speedy restoration of commerce；
including especially the acquisition of cotton； those nations appear
as yet not to have seen their way to their object more directly or
clearly through the destruction than through the preservation of the
Union。 If we could dare to believe that foreign nations are actuated
by no higher principle than this； I am quite sure a sound argument
could be made to show them that they can reach their aim more readily
and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by giving
encouragement to it。
The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign
nations to hostility against us； as already intimated； is the
embarrassment of commerce。 Those nations； however； not improbably
saw from the first that it was the Union which made as well our
foreign as our domestic commerce。 They can scarcely have failed to
perceive that the effort for disunion produces the existing
difficulty； and that one strong nation promises more durable peace
and a more extensive； valuable； and reliable commerce than can the
same nation broken into hostile fragments。
It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states；
because； whatever might be their wishes or dispositions； the
integrity of our country and the stability of our government mainly
depend not upon them； but on the loyalty； virtue； patriotism； and
intelligence of the American people。 The correspondence itself； with
the usual reservations； is herewith submitted。
I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and
liberality toward foreign powers； averting causes of irritation and
with firmness maintaining our own rights and honor。
Since； however； it is apparent that here； as in every other state；
foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties； I recommend
that adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the
public defenses on every side。 While under this general
recommendation provision for defending our seacoast line readily
occurs to the mind； I also in the same connection ask the attention
of Congress to our great lakes and rivers。 It is believed that some
fortifications and depots of arms and munitions； with harbor and
navigation improvements； all at well…selected points upon these；
would be of great importance to the national defense and preservation
I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War； expressed in
his report； upon the same general subject。
I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of east Tennessee and
western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky and other
faithful parts of the Union by rail…road。 I therefore recommend； as
a military measure； that Congress provide for the construction of
such rail…road as speedily as possible。 Kentucky will no doubt
co…operate； and through her Legislature make the most judicious
selection of a line。 The northern terminus must connect with some
existing railroad； and whether the route shall be from Lexington or
Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap； or from Lebanon to the