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Boston； on the 28th instant； in honor of the birthday of Thomas
Jefferson； was duly received。 My engagements are such that I cannot
attend。
Bearing in mind that about seventy years ago two great political
parties were first formed in this country； that Thomas Jefferson was
the head of one of them and Boston the headquarters of the other； it
is both curious and interesting that those supposed to descend
politically from the party opposed to Jefferson should now be
celebrating his birthday in their own original seat of empire； while
those claiming political descent from him have nearly ceased to
breathe his name everywhere。
Remembering； too； that the Jefferson party was formed upon its
supposed superior devotion to the personal rights of men； holding the
rights of property to be secondary only； and greatly inferior； and
assuming that the so…called Democracy of to…day are the Jefferson；
and their opponents the anti…Jefferson； party； it will be equally
interesting to note how completely the two have changed hands as to
the principle upon which they were originally supposed to be divided。
The Democracy of to…day hold the liberty of one man to be absolutely
nothing； when in conflict with another man's right of property；
Republicans； on the contrary； are for both the man and the dollar；
but in case of conflict the man before the dollar。
I remember being once much amused at seeing two partially intoxicated
men engaged in a fight with their great…coats on； which fight； after
a long and rather harmless contest； ended in each having fought
himself out of his own coat and into that of the other。 If the two
leading parties of this day are really identical with the two in the
days of Jefferson and Adams； they have performed the same feat as the
two drunken men。
But soberly； it is now no child's play to save the principles of
Jefferson from total overthrow in this nation。 One would state with
great confidence that he could convince any sane child that the
simpler propositions of Euclid are true； but nevertheless he would
fail； utterly； with one who should deny the definitions and axioms。
The principles of Jefferson are the definitions and axioms of free
society。 And yet they are denied and evaded； with no small show of
success。 One dashingly calls them 〃glittering generalities。〃
Another bluntly calls them 〃self…evident lies。〃 And others
insidiously argue that they apply to 〃superior races。〃 These
expressions； differing in form； are identical in object and effect
the supplanting the principles of free government； and restoring
those of classification； caste； and legitimacy。 They would delight a
convocation of crowned heads plotting against the people。 They are
the vanguard； the miners and sappers； of returning despotism。 We
must repulse them； or they will subjugate us。 This is a world of
compensation； and he who would be no slave must consent to have no
slave。 Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for
themselves； and； under a just God； cannot long retain it。 All honor
to Jefferson to the man who； in the concrete pressure of a struggle
for national independence by a single people； had the coolness；
forecast； and capacity to introduce into a mere revolutionary
document an abstract truth； applicable to all men and all times； and
so to embalm it there that to…day and in all coming days it shall be
a rebuke and a stumbling…block to the very harbingers of reappearing
tyranny and oppression。
Your obedient servant；
A。 LINCOLN。
TO T。 CANISIUS。
SPRINGFIELD； May 17； 1859。
DR。 THEODORE CANISIUS。
DEAR SIR：Your note asking； in behalf of yourself and other German
citizens； whether I am for or against the constitutional provision in
regard to naturalized citizens； lately adopted by Massachusetts； and
whether I am for or against a fusion of the Republicans and other
opposition elements for the canvass of 1860； is received。
Massachusetts is a sovereign and independent State； and it is no
privilege of mine to scold her for what she does。 Still； if from
what she has done an inference is sought to be drawn as to what I
would do； I may without impropriety speak out。 I say； then； that； as
I understand the Massachusetts provision； I am against its adoption
in Illinois； or in any other place where I have a right to oppose it。
Understanding the spirit of our institutions to aim at the elevation
of men； I am opposed to whatever tends to degrade them。 I have some
little notoriety for commiserating the oppressed negro； and I should
be strangely inconsistent if I could favor any project for curtailing
the existing rights of white men； even though born in different
lands； and speaking different languages from myself。 As to the
matter of fusion； I am for it if it can be had on Republican grounds；
and I am not for it on any other terms。 A fusion on any other terms
would be as foolish as unprincipled。 It would lose the whole North；
while the common enemy would still carry the whole South。 The
question of men is a different one。 There are good； patriotic men
and able statesmen in the South whom I would cheerfully support； if
they would now place themselves on Republican ground； but I am
against letting down the Republican standard a hairsbreadth。
I have written this hastily； but I believe it answers your questions
substantially。
Yours truly；
A。 LINCOLN。
TO THE GOVERNOR； AUDITOR； AND TREASURER OF THE STATE OF ILLINOIS。
GENTLEMEN：
In reply to your inquiry； requesting our written opinion as to what
your duty requires you to do in executing the latter clause of the
Seventh Section of 〃An Act in relation to the payment of the
principal and interest of the State debt；〃 approved Feb'y 22； 1859；
we reply that said last clause of said section is certainly
indefinite； general； and ambiguous in its description of the bonds to
be issued by you； giving no time at which the bonds are to be made
payable； no place at which either principal or interest are to be
paid； and no rate of interest which the bonds are to bear； nor any
other description except that they are to be coupon bonds； which in
commercial usage means interest…paying bonds with obligations or
orders attached to them for the payment of annual or semiannual
interest； there is we suppose no difficulty in ascertaining； if this
act stood alone； what ought to be the construction of the terms
〃coupon bonds〃 and that it； would mean bonds bearing interest from
the time of issuing the same。 And under this act considered by
itself the creditors would have a right to require such bonds。 But
your inquiry in regard to a class of bonds on which no interest is to
be paid or shall begin to run until January 1 ； 1860； is whether the
Act of February 18； 1857； would not authorize you to refuse to give
bonds with any coupons attached payable before the first day of July；
1860。 We have very maturely considered this question and have arrived
at the conclusion that you have a right to use such measures as will
secure the State against the loss of six months' interest on these
bonds by the indefiniteness of the Act of 1859。 While it cannot be
denied that the letter of the laws favor the construction claimed by
some of the creditors that interest…bearing bonds were required to be
issued to them； inasmuch as the restriction that no interest is to
run on said bonds unti1 1st January； 1860； relates solely to the
bonds issued under the Act of 1857。 And the Act of 1859 directing
you to issue new bonds does not contain this restriction； but directs
you to issue coupon bonds。 Nevertheless the very indefiniteness and
generality of the Act of 1859； giving no rate of interest； no time
due； no place of payment； no postponement of the time when interest
commences； necessarily implies that the Legislature intended to
invest you with a discretion to impose such terms and restrict