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could say nothing。 He added that you were expected to arrive in two
weeks。 Upon this statement Lord John Russell acquiesced in the
expediency of waiting for the full knowledge you were expected to
bring。
Mr。 Dallas transmitted to us some newspaper reports of ministerial
explanations made in Parliament。
You will base no proceedings on parliamentary debates further than to
seek explanations when necessary and communicate them to this
department。 ＇We intend to have a clear and simple record of whatever
issue may arise between us and Great Britain。＇
The President ＇is surprised and grieved＇ regrets that Mr。 Dallas did
not protest against the proposed unofficial intercourse between the
British Government and the missionaries of the insurgents ＇as well as
against the demand for explanations made by the British Government＇。
It is due； however； to Mr。 Dallas to say that our instructions had
been given only to you and not to him； and that his loyalty and
fidelity； too rare in these times ＇among our late representatives
abroad； are confessed and＇ are appreciated。
Intercourse of any kind with the so…called commissioners is liable to
be construed as a recognition of the authority which appointed them。
Such intercourse would be none the less ＇wrongful＇ hurtful to us for
being called unofficial； and it might be even more injurious； because
we should have no means of knowing what points might be resolved by
it。 Moreover； unofficial intercourse is useless and meaningless if
it is not expected to ripen into official intercourse and direct
recognition。 It is left doubtful here whether the proposed
unofficial intercourse has yet actually begun。 Your own ＇present＇
antecedent instructions are deemed explicit enough； and it is hoped
that you have not misunderstood them。 You will in any event desist
from all intercourse whatever； unofficial as well as official； with
the British Government； so long as it shall continue intercourse of
either kind with the domestic enemies of this country ＇confining
yourself to a delivery of a copy of this paper to the Secretary of
State。 After doing this。＇ When intercourse shall have been arrested
for this cause； you will communicate with this department and receive
further directions。
Lord John Russell has informed us of an understanding between the
British and French governments that they will act together in regard
to our affairs。 This communication； however； loses something of its
value from the circumstance that the communication was withheld until
after knowledge of the fact had been acquired by us from other
sources。 We know also another fact that has not yet been officially
communicated to usnamely； that other European States are apprised
by France and England of their agreement； and are expected to concur
with or follow them in whatever measures they adopt on the subject of
recognition。 The United States have been impartial and just in all
their conduct toward the several nations of Europe。 They will not
complain； however； of the combination now announced by the two
leading powers； although they think they had a right to expect a more
independent； if not a more friendly； course from each of them。 You
will take no notice of that or any other alliance。 Whenever the
European governments shall see fit to communicate directly with us；
we shall be； as heretofore； frank and explicit in our reply。
As to the blockade； you will say that by ＇the＇ our own laws ＇of
nature＇ and the laws of nature and the laws of nations； this
Government has a clear right to suppress insurrection。 An exclusion
of commerce from national ports which have been seized by the
insurgents； in the equitable form of blockade； is the proper means to
that end。 You will ＇admit＇ not insist that our blockade is ＇not＇ to
be respected if it be not maintained by a competent force； but
passing by that question as not now a practical； or at least an
urgent； one； you will add that ＇it＇ the blockade is now； and it will
continue to be so maintained； and therefore we expect it to be
respected by Great Britain。 You will add that we have already
revoked the exequatur of a Russian consul who had enlisted in the
military service of the insurgents； and we shall dismiss or demand
the recall of every foreign agent； consular or diplomatic； who shall
either disobey the Federal laws or disown the Federal authority。
As to the recognition of the so…called Southern Confederacy； it is
not to be made a subject of technical definition。 It is； of course；
＇quasi direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the
sovereignty and independence of a new power。 It is ＇quasi＇ direct
recognition to receive its ambassadors； ministers； agents； or
commissioners officially。 A concession of belligerent rights is
liable to be construed as a recognition of them。 No one of these
proceedings will ＇be borne＇ pass ＇unnoticed＇ unquestioned by the
United States in this case。
Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that the
so…called Confederate States are de facto a self…sustaining power。
Now； after long forbearance； designed to soothe discontent and avert
the need of civil war； the land and naval forces of the United States
have been put in motion to repress the insurrection。 The true
character of the pretended new State is at once revealed。 It is seen
to be a power existing in pronunciamento only； It has never won a
field。 It has obtained no forts that were not virtually betrayed
into its hands or seized in breach of trust。 It commands not a
single port on the coast nor any highway out from its pretended
capital by land。 Under these circumstances Great Britain is called
upon to intervene and give it body and independence by resisting our
measures of suppression。 British recognition would be British
intervention to create within our own territory a hostile state by
overthrowing this republic itself。 ＇When this act of intervention is
distinctly performed； we from that hour shall cease to be friends；
and become once more； as we have twice before been forced to be；
enemies of Great Britain。＇
As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service； you will
say that this is a question exclusively our own。 We treat them as
pirates。 They are our own citizens； or persons employed by our
citizens； preying on the commerce of our country。 If Great Britain
shall choose to recognize them as lawful belligerents； and give them
shelter from our pursuit and punishment； the laws of nations afford
an adequate and proper remedy ＇and we shall avail ourselves of it。
And while you need not say this in advance； be sure that you say
nothing inconsistent with it。＇
Happily； however； her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid all
these difficulties。 It invited us in 1856 to accede to the
declaration of the Congress of Paris； of which body Great Britain was
herself a member； abolishing privateering everywhere in all cases and
forever。 You already have our authority to propose to her our
accession to that declaration。 If she refuse to receive it； it can
only be because she is willing to become the patron of privateering
when aimed at our devastation。
These positions are not elaborately defended now； because to
vindicate them would imply a possibility of our waiving them。
1 We are not insensible of the grave importance of
1（Drop all from this line to the end； and in lieu of it write； 〃This
paper is for your own guidance only； and not ＇sic＇ to be read or
shown to any one。）
（Secretary Seward； when the despatch was returned to him； added an
introductory paragraph stating that the document was strictly
confidential。 For this reason these last two paragraphs remained as
they are here printed。）
this occasion。 We see how； upon the result of the debate in which we
are engaged； a war may ensue between the United States and one； two；
or even more European