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silence。
The words 〃coercion〃 and 〃invasion〃 are much used in these days； and
often with some temper and hot blood。 Let us make sure； if we can；
the meaning of those who use them。 Let us get the exact definitions
of these words； not from dictionaries； but from the men themselves；
who certainly deprecate the things they would represent by the use of
the words。
What； then； is coercion？ What is invasion？ Would the marching of an
army into South Carolina； without the consent of her people； and with
hostile intent toward them； be invasion？ I certainly think it would；
and it would be coercion also； if the South Carolinians were forced
to submit。 But if the United States should merely hold and retake
its own forts and other property； and collect the duties on foreign
importations； or even withhold the mails from places where they were
habitually violated； would any or all of these things be invasion or
coercion？ Do our professed lovers of the Union； who spitefully
resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion； understand that
such things as these； on the part of the United States； would be
coercion or invasion of a State？ If so； their idea of means to
preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be
exceedingly thin and airy。 If sick； the little pills of the
homoeopathist would be much too large for it to swallow。 In their
view； the Union； as a family relation； would seem to be no regular
marriage； but rather a sort of 〃free…love〃 arrangement； to be
maintained on passional attraction。
By the way； in what consists the special sacredness of a State？ I
speak not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the
Constitution； for that is a bond we all recognize。 That position；
however； a State cannot carry out of the Union with it。 I speak of
that assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is less than
itself； and to ruin all which is larger than itself。 If a State and
a county； in a given case； should be equal in number of inhabitants；
in what； as a matter of principle； is the State better than the
county？ Would an exchange of name be an exchange of rights？ Upon what
principle； upon what rightful principle； may a State； being no more
than one fiftieth part of the nation in soil and population； break up
the nation； and then coerce a proportionably large subdivision of
itself in the most arbitrary way？ What mysterious right to play
tyrant is conferred on a district of country； with its people； by
merely calling it a State？ Fellow…citizens； I am not asserting
anything。 I am merely asking questions for you to consider。 And now
allow me to bid you farewell。
INTENTIONS TOWARD THE SOUTH
ADDRESS TO THE MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF
CINCINNATI； OHIO； FEBRUARY 12； 1861
Mr。 MAYOR； AND GENTLEMEN：Twenty…four hours ago； at the capital of
Indiana； I said to myself； 〃I have never seen so many people
assembled together in winter weather。〃 I am no longer able to say
that。 But it is what might reasonably have been expectedthat this
great city of Cincinnati would thus acquit herself on such an
occasion。 My friends； I am entirely overwhelmed by the magnificence
of the reception which has been given； I will not say to me； but to
the President…elect of the United States of America。 Most heartily
do I thank you； one and all； for it。
I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati。 That was a year
previous to the late Presidential election。 On that occasion； in a
playful manner； but with sincere words； I addressed much of what I
said to the Kentuckians。 I gave my opinion that we； as Republicans；
would ultimately beat them as Democrats； but that they could postpone
that result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the Presidency
than they could by any other way。 They did not； in any true sense of
the word； nominate Mr。 Douglas； and the result has come certainly as
soon as ever I expected。 I also told them how I expected they would
be treated after they should have been beaten； and I now wish to call
their attention to what I then said upon that subject。 I then said：
〃When we do as we say； beat you； you perhaps want to know what we
will do with you。 I will tell you； as far as I am authorized to
speak for the Opposition； what we mean to do with you。 We mean to
treat you； as near as we possibly can； as Washington； Jefferson； and
Madison treated you。 We mean to leave you alone； and in no way to
interfere with your institutions； to abide by all and every
compromise of the Constitution； and； in a word； coming back to the
original proposition； to treat you so far as degenerate men； if we
have degenerated； may； according to the example of those noble
fathers； Washington； Jefferson； and Madison。
〃We mean to remember that you are as good as we； that there is no
difference between us other than the difference of circumstances。 We
mean to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good
hearts in your bosoms as other people； or as we claim to have； and
treat you accordingly。〃
Fellow…citizens of Kentuckyfriends and brethren； may I call you in
my new position？I see no occasion and feel no inclination to
retract a word of this。 If it shall not be made good； be assured the
fault shall not be mine。
ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN CLUB OF CINCINNATI； OHIO；
FEBRUARY 12； 1861
Mr。 CHAIRMAN：I thank you and those whom you represent for the
compliment you have paid me by tendering me this address。 In so far
as there is an allusion to our present national difficulties； which
expresses； as you have said； the views of the gentlemen present； I
shall have to beg pardon for not entering fully upon the questions
which the address you have now read suggests。
I deem it my dutya duty which I owe to my constituentsto you；
gentlemen； that I should wait until the last moment for a development
of the present national difficulties before I express myself
decidedly as to what course I shall pursue。 I hope； then； not to be
false to anything that you have expected of me。
I agree with you； Mr。 Chairman； that the working men are the basis of
all governments； for the plain reason that they are all the more
numerous； and as you added that those were the sentiments of the
gentlemen present； representing not only the working class； but
citizens of other callings than those of the mechanic； I am happy to
concur with you in these sentiments； not only of the native…born
citizens； but also of the Germans and foreigners from other
countries。
Mr。 Chairman； I hold that while man exists it is his duty to improve
not only his own condition； but to assist in ameliorating the
condition of mankind； and therefore； without entering upon the
details of the question； I will simply say that I am for those means
which will give the greatest good to the greatest number。
In regard to the Homestead law； I have to say that； in so far as the
government lands can be disposed of； I am in favor of cutting up the
wild lands into parcels； so that every poor man may have a home。
In regard to the Germans and foreigners； I esteem them no better than
other people； nor any worse。 It is not my nature； when I see a
people borne down by the weight of their shacklesthe oppression of
tyrannyto make their life more bitter by heaping upon them greater
burdens； but rather would I do all in my power to raise the yoke than
to add anything that would tend to crush them。
Inasmuch as our own country is extensive and new； and the countries
of Europe are densely populated； if there are any abroad who desire
to make this the land of their adoption； it is not in my heart to
throw aught in their way to prevent them from coming to the United
States。
Mr。 Chairman and gentlemen； I will bid you an affectionate farewell。
ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF OHIO AT COLUMBUS
FEBRUARY 13； 1861
Mr。 PRESIDENT AND Mr。 SPEAKER；