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the writings-5-第35章

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down and obliged to labor whether you pay them or not! I like the

system which lets a man quit when he wants to; and wish it might

prevail everywhere。  One of the reasons why I am opposed to slavery

is just here。  What is the true condition of the laborer? I take it

that it is best for all to leave each man free to acquire property as

fast as he can。  Some will get wealthy。  I don't believe in a law to

prevent a man from getting rich; it would do more harm than good。

So; while we do not propose any war upon capital; we do wish to allow

the humblest man an equal chance to get rich with everybody else。

When one starts poor; as most do in the race of life; free society is

such that he knows he can better his condition; he knows that there

is no fixed condition of labor for his whole life。  I am not ashamed

to confess that twenty…five years ago I was a hired laborer; mauling

rails; at work on a flatboatjust what might happen to any poor

man's son! I want every man to have a chanceand I believe a Black

man is entitled to itin which he can better his condition; when he

may look forward and hope to be a hired laborer this year and the

next; work for himself afterward; and finally to hire men to work for

him!  That is the system。  Up here in New England; you have a soil

that scarcely sprouts black…eyed beans; and yet where will you find

wealthy men so wealthy; and poverty so rarely in extremity? There is

not another such place on earth! I desire that if you get too thick

here; and find it hard to better your condition on this soil; you may

have a chance to strike and go somewhere else; where you may not be

degraded; nor have your families corrupted; by forced rivalry with

negro slaves。  I want you to have a clean bed and no snakes in it!

Then you can better your condition; and so it may go on and on in one

endless round so long as man exists on the face of the earth!



Now; to come back to this shoe strike;if; as the senator from

Illinois asserts; this is caused by withdrawal of Southern votes;

consider briefly how you will meet the difficulty。  You have done

nothing; and have protested that you have done nothing; to injure the

South。  And yet; to get back the shoe trade; you must leave off doing

something which you are now doing。  What is it? You must stop

thinking slavery wrong! Let your institutions be wholly changed; let

your State constitutions be subverted; glorify slavery; and so you

will get back the shoe tradefor what? You have brought owned labor

with it; to compete with your own labor; to underwork you; and to

degrade you! Are you ready to get back the trade on those terms?



But the statement is not correct。  You have not lost that trade;

orders were never better than now! Senator Mason; a Democrat; comes

into the Senate in homespun; a proof that the dissolution of the

Union has actually begun! but orders are the same。  Your factories

have not struck work; neither those where they make anything for

coats; nor for pants nor for shirts; nor for ladies' dresses。  Mr。

Mason has not reached the manufacturers who ought to have made him a

coat and pants! To make his proof good for anything he should have

come into the Senate barefoot!



Another bushwhacking contrivance; simply that; nothing else! I find a

good many people who are very much concerned about the loss of

Southern trade。  Now either these people are sincere or they are not。

I will speculate a little about that。   If they are sincere; and are

moved by any real danger of the loss of Southern trade; they will

simply get their names on the white list; and then; instead of

persuading Republicans to do likewise; they will be glad to keep you

away! Don't you see that they cut off competition? They would not be

whispering around to Republicans to come in and share the profits

with them。  But if they are not sincere; and are merely trying to

fool Republicans out of their votes; they will grow very anxious

about your pecuniary prospects; they are afraid you are going to get

broken up and ruined; they do not care about Democratic votes; oh;

no; no; no! You must judge which class those belong to whom you meet:

I leave it to you to determine from the facts。



Let us notice some more of the stale charges against Republicans。

You say we are sectional。  We deny it。  That makes an issue; and the

burden of proof is upon you。  You produce your proof; and what is it?

Why; that our party has no existence in your sectiongets no votes

in your section。  The fact is substantially true; but does it prove

the issue? If it does; then in case we should; without change of

principle; begin to get votes in your section; we should thereby

cease to be sectional。  You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet;

are you willing to abide by it? If you are; you will probably soon

find that we have ceased to be sectional; for we shall get votes in

your section this very year。  The fact that we get no votes in your

section is a fact of your making and not of ours。  And if there be

fault in that fact; that fault is primarily yours; and remains so

until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice。

 If we do repel you by any wrong principle or practice; the fault is

ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have startedto a

discussion of the right or wrong of our principle。  If our principle;

put in practice; would wrong your section for the benefit of ours; or

for any other object; then our principle; and we with it; are

sectional; and are justly opposed and denounced as such。  Meet us;

then; on the question of whether our principle put in practice would

wrong your section; and so meet it as if it were possible that

something may be said on our side。  Do you accept the challenge? No?

Then you really believe that the principle which our fathers who

framed the Government under which we live thought so clearly right as

to adopt it; and indorse it again and again; upon their official

oaths; is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand our condemnation

without a moment's consideration。  Some of you delight to flaunt in

our faces the warning against sectional parties given by Washington

in his Farewell Address。  Less than eight years before Washington

gave that warning; he had; as President of the United States;

approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the prohibition of

slavery in the Northwestern Territory; which act embodied the policy

of government upon that subject; up to and at the very moment he

penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it he wrote

La Fayette that he considered that prohibition a wise measure;

expressing in the same connection his hope that we should sometime

have a confederacy of free States。



Bearing this in mind; and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen

upon this same subject; is that warning a weapon in your hands

against us; or in our hands against you?  Could Washington himself

speak; would he cast the blame of that sectionalism upon us; who

sustain his policy; or upon you; who repudiate it? We respect that

warning of Washington; and we commend it to you; together with his

example pointing to the right application of it。



But you say you are conservativeeminently conservativewhile we

are revolutionary; destructive; or something of the sort。  What is

conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried; against the

new and untried? We stick to; contend for; the identical old policy

on the point in controversy which was adopted by our fathers who

framed the Government under which we live; while you with one accord

reject and scout and spit upon that old policy; and insist upon

substituting something new。



True; you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall

be。  You have considerable variety of new propositions and plans; but

you are unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the

fathers。  Some of you are for reviving the foreign slave…trade; some

fo
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