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advocate ＇Douglas＇ has said； 〃I don't care whether it be voted up or
down。〃 〃It is merely a matter of dollars and cents。〃 〃The Almighty
has drawn a line across this continent； on one side of which all soil
must forever be cultivated by slave labor； and on the other by free。〃
〃When the struggle is between the white man and the negro； I am for
the white man； when it is between the negro and the crocodile； I am
for the negro。〃 Its central idea is indifference。 It holds that it
makes no more difference to us whether the Territories become free or
slave States than whether my neighbor stocks his farm with horned
cattle or puts in tobacco。 All recognize this policy； the plausible
sugar…coated name of which is 〃popular sovereignty。〃
This policy chiefly stands in the way of a permanent settlement of
the question。 I believe there is no danger of its becoming the
permanent policy of the country； for it is based on a public
indifference。 There is nobody that 〃don't care。〃 All the people do
care one way or the other！ I do not charge that its author； when he
says he 〃don't care；〃 states his individual opinion； he only
expresses his policy for the government。 I understand that he has
never said as an individual whether he thought slavery right or
wrongand he is the only man in the nation that has not！ Now such a
policy may have a temporary run； it may spring up as necessary to the
political prospects of some gentleman； but it is utterly baseless：
the people are not indifferent； and it can therefore have no
durability or permanence。
But suppose it could： Then it could be maintained only by a public
opinion that shall say； 〃We don't care。〃 There must be a change in
public opinion； the public mind must be so far debauched as to square
with this policy of caring not at all。 The people must come to
consider this as 〃merely a question of dollars and cents；〃 and to
believe that in some places the Almighty has made slavery necessarily
eternal。 This policy can be brought to prevail if the people can be
brought round to say honestly； 〃We don't care〃； if not； it can never
be maintained。 It is for you to say whether that can be done。
You are ready to say it cannot； but be not too fast！ Remember what a
long stride has been taken since the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise！ Do you know of any Democrat； of either branch of the
partydo you know one who declares that he believes that the
Declaration of Independence has any application to the negro？ Judge
Taney declares that it has not； and Judge Douglas even vilifies me
personally and scolds me roundly for saying that the Declaration
applies to all men； and that negroes are men。 Is there a Democrat
here who does not deny that the Declaration applies to the negro？ Do
any of you know of one？ Well； I have tried before perhaps fifty
audiences； some larger and some smaller than this； to find one such
Democrat； and never yet have I found one who said I did not place him
right in that。 I must assume that Democrats hold that； and now； not
one of these Democrats can show that he said that five years ago！ I
venture to defy the whole party to produce one man that ever uttered
the belief that the Declaration did not apply to negroes； before the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise！ Four or five years ago we all
thought negroes were men； and that when 〃all men〃 were named； negroes
were included。 But the whole Democratic party has deliberately taken
negroes from the class of men and put them in the class of brutes。
Turn it as you will it is simply the truth！ Don't be too hasty； then；
in saying that the people cannot be brought to this new doctrine； but
note that long stride。 One more as long completes the journey from
where negroes are estimated as men to where they are estimated as
mere brutesas rightful property！
That saying 〃In the struggle between white men and the negro；〃 etc。；
which I know came from the same source as this policythat saying
marks another step。 There is a falsehood wrapped up in that
statement。 〃In the struggle between the white man and the negro〃
assumes that there is a struggle； in which either the white man must
enslave the negro or the negro must enslave the white。 There is no
such struggle！ It is merely the ingenious falsehood to degrade and
brutalize the negro。 Let each let the other alone； and there is no
struggle about it。 If it was like two wrecked seamen on a narrow
plank； when each must push the other off or drown himself； I would
push the negro off or a white man either； but it is not； the plank is
large enough for both。 This good earth is plenty broad enough for
white man and negro both； and there is no need of either pushing the
other off。
So that saying； 〃In the struggle between the negro and the
crocodile；〃 etc。； is made up from the idea that down where the
crocodile inhabits； a white man can't labor； it must be nothing else
but crocodile or negro； if the negro does not the crocodile must
possess the earth； in that case he declares for the negro。 The
meaning of the whole is just this： As a white man is to a negro； so
is a negro to a crocodile； and as the negro may rightfully treat the
crocodile； so may the white man rightfully treat the negro。 This
very dear phrase coined by its author； and so dear that he
deliberately repeats it in many speeches； has a tendency to still
further brutalize the negro； and to bring public opinion to the point
of utter indifference whether men so brutalized are enslaved or not。
When that time shall come； if ever； I think that policy to which I
refer may prevail。 But I hope the good freemen of this country will
never allow it to come； and until then the policy can never be
maintained。
Now consider the effect of this policy。 We in the States are not to
care whether freedom or slavery gets the better； but the people in
the Territories may care。 They are to decide； and they may think
what they please； it is a matter of dollars and cents！ But are not
the people of the Territories detailed from the States？ If this
feeling of indifference this absence of moral sense about the
question prevails in the States； will it not be carried into the
Territories？ Will not every man say； 〃I don't care； it is nothing to
me〃？ If any one comes that wants slavery； must they not say； 〃I don't
care whether freedom or slavery be voted up or voted down〃？ It
results at last in nationalizing the institution of slavery。 Even if
fairly carried out； that policy is just as certain to nationalize
slavery as the doctrine of Jeff Davis himself。 These are only two
roads to the same goal； and 〃popular sovereignty〃 is just as sure and
almost as short as the other。
What we want； and all we want； is to have with us the men who think
slavery wrong。 But those who say they hate slavery； and are opposed
to it； but yet act with the Democratic partywhere are they？ Let us
apply a few tests。 You say that you think slavery is wrong； but you
denounce all attempts to restrain it。 Is there anything else that
you think wrong that you are not willing to deal with as wrong？ Why
are you so careful； so tender； of this one wrong and no other？ You
will not let us do a single thing as if it was wrong； there is no
place where you will even allow it to be called wrong！ We must not
call it wrong in the free States； because it is not there； and we
must not call it wrong in the slave States； because it is there； we
must not call it wrong in politics because that is bringing morality
into politics； and we must not call it wrong in the pulpit because
that is bringing politics into religion； we must not bring it into
the Tract Society or the other societies； because those are such
unsuitable placesand there is no single place； according to you；
where this wrong thing can properly be called wrong！
Perhaps you will plead that if the people of the slave States should
themselves set on foot an effort for emancipatio