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choose； when they have accumulated it； to use it to save themselves
from actual labor； and hire other people to labor for them； is right。
In doing so they do not wrong the man they employ； for they find men
who have not of their own land to work upon； or shops to work in； and
who are benefited by working for others； hired laborers； receiving
their capital for it。 Thus a few men； that own capital； hire a few
others； and these establish the relation of capital and labor
rightfully； a relation of which I make no complaint。 But I insist
that that relation； after all； does not embrace more than one eighth
of the labor of the country。
＇The speaker proceeded to argue that the hired laborer； with his
ability to become an employer； must have every precedence over him
who labors under the inducement of force。 He continued：＇
I have taken upon myself in the name of some of you to say that we
expect upon these principles to ultimately beat them。 In order to do
so； I think we want and must have a national policy in regard to the
institution of slavery that acknowledges and deals with that
institution as being wrong。 Whoever desires the prevention of the
spread of slavery and the nationalization of that institution yields
all when he yields to any policy that either recognizes slavery as
being right or as being an indifferent thing。 Nothing will make you
successful but setting up a policy which shall treat the thing as
being wrong： When I say this； I do not mean to say that this General
Government is charged with the duty of redressing or preventing all
the wrongs in the world； but I do think that it is charged with
preventing and redressing all wrongs which are wrongs to itself。
This Government is expressly charged with the duty of providing for
the general welfare。 We believe that the spreading out and
perpetuity of the institution of slavery impairs the general welfare。
We believenay； we knowthat that is the only thing that has ever
threatened the perpetuity of the Union itself。 The only thing which
has ever menaced the destruction of the government under which we
live is this very thing。 To repress this thing； we think； is；
Providing for the general welfare。 Our friends in Kentucky differ
from us。 We need not make our argument for them； but we who think it
is wrong in all its relations； or in some of them at least； must
decide as to our own actions and our own course； upon our own
judgment。
I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in
the States where it exists； because the Constitution forbids it； and
the general welfare does not require us to do so。 We must not
withhold an efficient Fugitive Slave law； because the Constitution
requires us； as I understand it； not to withhold such a law。 But we
must prevent the outspreading of the institution； because neither the
Constitution nor general welfare requires us to extend it。 We must
prevent the revival of the African slave trade； and the enacting by
Congress of a Territorial slave code。 We must prevent each of these
things being done by either Congresses or courts。 The people of
these United States are the rightful masters of both Congresses and
courts； not to overthrow the Constitution； but to overthrow the men
who pervert the Constitution。
To do these things we must employ instrumentalities。 We must hold
conventions； we must adopt platforms； if we conform to ordinary
custom； we must nominate candidates； and we must carry elections。 In
all these things； I think that we ought to keep in view our real
purpose； and in none do anything that stands adverse to our purpose。
If we shall adopt a platform that fails to recognize or express our
purpose； or elect a man that declares himself inimical to our
purpose； we not only take nothing by our success； but we tacitly
admit that we act upon no other principle than a desire to have 〃the
loaves and fishes；〃 by which； in the end； our apparent success is
really an injury to us。
I know that this is very desirable with me； as with everybody else；
that all the elements of the opposition shall unite in the next
Presidential election and in all future time。 I am anxious that that
should be； but there are things seriously to be considered in
relation to that matter。 If the terms can be arranged； I am in favor
of the union。 But suppose we shall take up some man； and put him
upon one end or the other of the ticket； who declares himself against
us in regard to the prevention of the spread of slavery； who turns up
his nose and says he is tired of hearing anything more about it； who
is more against us than against the enemy； what will be the issue？
Why； he will get no slave States； after all；he has tried that
already until being beat is the rule for him。 If we nominate him
upon that ground； he will not carry a slave State； and not only so；
but that portion of our men who are high…strung upon the principle we
really fight for will not go for him； and he won't get a single
electoral vote anywhere； except； perhaps； in the State of Maryland。
There is no use in saying to us that we are stubborn and obstinate
because we won't do some such thing as this。 We cannot do it。 We
cannot get our men to vote it。 I speak by the card； that we cannot
give the State of Illinois in such case by fifty thousand。 We would
be flatter down than the 〃Negro Democracy〃 themselves have the heart
to wish to see us。
After saying this much let me say a little on the other side。 There
are plenty of men in the slave States that are altogether good enough
for me to be either President or Vice…President； provided they will
profess their sympathy with our purpose； and will place themselves on
the ground that our men； upon principle； can vote for them。 There
are scores of them； good men in their character for intelligence and
talent and integrity。 If such a one will place himself upon the
right ground； I am for his occupying one place upon the next
Republican or opposition ticket。 I will heartily go for him。 But
unless he does so place himself； I think it a matter of perfect
nonsense to attempt to bring about a union upon any other basis； that
if a union be made； the elements will scatter so that there can be no
success for such a ticket； nor anything like success。 The good old
maxims of the Bible axe applicable； and truly applicable； to human
affairs； and in this； as in other things； we may say here that he who
is not for us is against us； he who gathereth not with us；
scattereth。 I should be glad to have some of the many good and able
and noble men of the South to place themselves where we can confer
upon them the high honor of an election upon one or the other end of
our ticket。 It would do my soul good to do that thing。 It would
enable us to teach them that； inasmuch as we select one of their own
number to carry out our principles； we are free from the charge that
we mean more than we say。
But； my friends； I have detained you much longer than I expected to
do。 I believe I may do myself the compliment to say that you have
stayed and heard me with great patience； for which I return you my
most sincere thanks。
ON PROTECTIVE TARIFFS
TO EDWARD WALLACE。
CLINTON； October 11； 1859
Dr。 EDWARD WALLACE。
MY DEAR SIR：I am here just now attending court。 Yesterday； before
I left Springfield； your brother； Dr。 William S。 Wallace； showed me a
letter of yours； in which you kindly mention my name； inquiring for
my tariff views； and suggest the propriety of my writing a letter
upon the subject。 I was an old Henry…Clay…Tariff Whig。 In old times
I made more speeches on that subject than any other。
I have not since changed my views。 I believe yet； if we could have a
moderate； carefully adjusted protective tariff； so far acquiesced in
as not to be a perpetual subject of political strife； squabbles
changes； and uncertainties； it would be better