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audience that if they would repress all tendencies to liberty and
ultimate emancipation they must go back to the era of our
independence； and muzzle the cannon which thundered its annual joyous
return on the Fourth of July； they must blow out the moral lights
around us； they must penetrate the human soul； and eradicate the love
of liberty： but until they did these things； and others eloquently
enumerated by him； they could not repress all tendencies to ultimate
emancipation。
I ask attention to the fact that in a pre…eminent degree these
popular sovereigns are at this work： blowing out the moral lights
around us； teaching that the negro is no longer a man； but a brute；
that the Declaration has nothing to do with him； that he ranks with
the crocodile and the reptile； that man； with body and soul； is a
matter of dollars and cents。 I suggest to this portion of the Ohio
Republicans； or Democrats； if there be any present； the serious
consideration of this fact that there is now going on among you a
steady process of debauching public opinion on this subject。 With
this； my friends； I bid you adieu。
SPEECH AT CINCINNATI OHIO； SEPTEMBER 17； 1859
My Fellow…Citizens of the State of Ohio： This is the first time in
my life that I have appeared before an audience in so great a city as
this： I thereforethough I am no longer a young manmake this
appearance under some degree of embarrassment。 But I have found that
when one is embarrassed； usually the shortest way to get through with
it is to quit talking or thinking about it； and go at something else。
I understand that you have had recently with you my very
distinguished friend Judge Douglas； of Illinois； and I understand；
without having had an opportunity （not greatly sought； to be sure） of
seeing a report of the speech that he made here； that he did me the
honor to mention my humble name。 I suppose that he did so for the
purpose of making some objection to some sentiment at some time
expressed by me。 I should expect； it is true； that judge Douglas had
reminded you； or informed you； if you had never before heard it； that
I had once in my life declared it as my opinion that this government
cannot endure permanently； half slave and half free； that a house
divided against itself cannot stand； and； as I had expressed it； I
did not expect the house to fall； that I did not expect the Union to
be dissolved； but that I did expect that it would cease to be
divided； that it would become all one thing； or all the other； that
either the opponents of slavery would arrest the further spread of
it； and place it where the public mind would rest in the belief that
it was in the course of ultimate extinction； or the friends of
slavery will push it forward until it becomes alike lawful in all the
States； old or new； free as well as slave。 I did； fifteen months ago；
express that opinion； and upon many occasions Judge Douglas has
denounced it； and has greatly； intentionally or unintentionally；
misrepresented my purpose in the expression of that opinion。
I presume； without having seen a report of his speech； that he did so
here。 I presume that he alluded also to that opinion； in different
language； having been expressed at a subsequent time by Governor
Seward of New York； and that he took the two in a lump and denounced
them； that he tried to point out that there was something couched in
this opinion which led to the making of an entire uniformity of the
local institutions of the various States of the Union； in utter
disregard of the different States； which in their nature would seem
to require a variety of institutions and a variety of laws；
conforming to the differences in the nature of the different States。
Not only so： I presume he insisted that this was a declaration of war
between the free and slave States； that it was the sounding to the
onset of continual war between the different States； the slave and
free States。
This charge； in this form； was made by Judge Douglas on； I believe；
the 9th of July； 1858； in Chicago； in my hearing。 On the next
evening； I made some reply to it。 I informed him that many of the
inferences he drew from that expression of mine were altogether
foreign to any purpose entertained by me； and in so far as he should
ascribe these inferences to me； as my purpose； he was entirely
mistaken； and in so far as he might argue that； whatever might be my
purpose； actions conforming to my views would lead to these results；
he might argue and establish if he could； but； so far as purposes
were concerned； he was totally mistaken as to me。
When I made that reply to him； I told him； on the question of
declaring war between the different States of the Union； that I had
not said that I did not expect any peace upon this question until
slavery was exterminated； that I had only said I expected peace when
that institution was put where the public mind should rest in the
belief that it was in course of ultimate extinction； that I believed；
from the organization of our government until a very recent period of
time； the institution had been placed and continued upon such a
basis； that we had had comparative peace upon that question through a
portion of that period of time； only because the public mind rested
in that belief in regard to it； and that when we returned to that
position in relation to that matter； I supposed we should again have
peace as we previously had。 I assured him； as I now； assure you； that
I neither then had； nor have； or ever had； any purpose in any way of
interfering with the institution of slavery； where it exists。 I
believe we have no power； under the Constitution of the United
States； or rather under the form of government under which we live；
to interfere with the institution of slavery； or any other of the
institutions of our sister States； be they free or slave States。 I
declared then； and I now re…declare； that I have as little
inclination to interfere with the institution of slavery where it now
exists； through the instrumentality of the General Government； or any
other instrumentality； as I believe we have no power to do so。 I
accidentally used this expression： I had no purpose of entering into
the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery。 So； upon the
first occasion that Judge Douglas got an opportunity to reply to me；
he passed by the whole body of what I had said upon that subject； and
seized upon the particular expression of mine that I had no purpose
of entering into the slave States to disturb the institution of
slavery。 〃Oh； no；〃 said he； 〃he ＇Lincoln＇ won't enter into the slave
States to disturb the institution of slavery； he is too prudent a man
to do such a thing as that； he only means that he will go on to the
line between the free and slave States； and shoot over at them。 This
is all he means to do。 He means to do them all the harm he can； to
disturb them all he can； in such a way as to keep his own hide in
perfect safety。〃
Well； now； I did not think； at that time； that that was either a very
dignified or very logical argument but so it was； I had to get along
with it as well as I could。
It has occurred to…me here to…night that if I ever do shoot over the
line at the people on the other side of the line into a slave State；
and purpose to do so； keeping my skin safe； that I have now about the
best chance I shall ever have。 I should not wonder if there are some
Kentuckians about this audiencewe are close to Kentucky； and
whether that be so or not； we are on elevated ground； and； by
speaking distinctly； I should not wonder if some of the Kentuckians
would hear me on the other side of the river。 For that reason I
propose to address a portion of what I have to say to the
Kentuckians。
I say； then； in the first place； to the Kentuckians； that I am what
they call； as I understand it； a 〃Black Republican。〃 I think slavery
is wrong； morall