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they might be quiet about it； watching it as it expired。 I think
Judge Douglas might have perceived that too； and whether he did or
not； it is worth the attention of fair…minded men； here and
elsewhere； to consider whether that is not the truth of the case。 If
he had looked at these two facts；that this matter has been an
element of discord for one hundred and sixty years among this people；
and that the only comparative peace we have had about it was when
that policy prevailed in this government which he now wars upon； he
might then； perhaps； have been brought to a more just appreciation of
what I said fifteen months ago；that 〃a house divided against itself
cannot stand。 I believe that this government cannot endure
permanently； half slave and half free。 I do not expect the house to
fall； I do not expect the Union to dissolve； but I do expect it will
cease to be divided。 It will become all one thing； or all the other。
Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it；
and place it where the public mind will rest in the belief that it is
in the course of ultimate extinction； or its advocates will push it
forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States； old as
well as new； North as well as South。〃 That was my sentiment at that
time。 In connection with it； I said： 〃We are now far into the fifth
year since a policy was inaugurated with the avowed object and
confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation。 Under the
operation of the policy that agitation has not only not ceased； but
has constantly augmented。〃 I now say to you here that we are
advanced still farther into the sixth year since that policy of Judge
Douglasthat popular sovereignty of hisfor quieting the slavery
question was made the national policy。 Fifteen months more have been
added since I uttered that sentiment； and I call upon you and all
other right…minded men to say whether that fifteen months have belied
or corroborated my words。
While I am here upon this subject； I cannot but express gratitude
that this true view of this element of discord among usas I believe
it isis attracting more and more attention。 I do not believe that
Governor Seward uttered that sentiment because I had done so before；
but because he reflected upon this subject and saw the truth of it。
Nor do I believe because Governor Seward or I uttered it that Mr。
Hickman of Pennsylvania； in； different language； since that time； has
declared his belief in the utter antagonism which exists between the
principles of liberty and slavery。 You see we are multiplying。 Now；
while I am speaking of Hickman； let me say； I know but little about
him。 I have never seen him； and know scarcely anything about the
man； but I will say this much of him： Of all the anti…Lecompton
Democracy that have been brought to my notice； he alone has the true；
genuine ring of the metal。 And now； without indorsing anything else
he has said； I will ask this audience to give three cheers for
Hickman。 ＇The audience responded with three rousing cheers for
Hickman。＇
Another point in the copyright essay to which I would ask your
attention is rather a feature to be extracted from the whole thing；
than from any express declaration of it at any point。 It is a
general feature of that document； and； indeed； of all of Judge
Douglas's discussions of this question； that the Territories of the
United States and the States of this Union are exactly alike； that
there is no difference between them at all； that the Constitution
applies to the Territories precisely as it does to the States； and
that the United States Government； under the Constitution； may not do
in a State what it may not do in a Territory； and what it must do in
a State it must do in a Territory。 Gentlemen； is that a true view of
the case？ It is necessary for this squatter sovereignty； but is it
true？
Let us consider。 What does it depend upon？ It depends altogether
upon the proposition that the States must； without the interference
of the General Government； do all those things that pertain
exclusively to themselves；that are local in their nature； that have
no connection with the General Government。 After Judge Douglas has
established this proposition； which nobody disputes or ever has
disputed； he proceeds to assume； without proving it； that slavery is
one of those little； unimportant； trivial matters which are of just
about as much consequence as the question would be to me whether my
neighbor should raise horned cattle or plant tobacco； that there is
no moral question about it； but that it is altogether a matter of
dollars and cents； that when a new Territory is opened for
settlement； the first man who goes into it may plant there a thing
which； like the Canada thistle or some other of those pests of the
soil； cannot be dug out by the millions of men who will come
thereafter； that it is one of those little things that is so trivial
in its nature that it has nor effect upon anybody save the few men
who first plant upon the soil； that it is not a thing which in any
way affects the family of communities composing these States； nor any
way endangers the General Government。 Judge Douglas ignores
altogether the very well known fact that we have never had a serious
menace to our political existence； except it sprang from this thing；
which he chooses to regard as only upon a par with onions and
potatoes。
Turn it； and contemplate it in another view。 He says that； according
to his popular sovereignty； the General Government may give to the
Territories governors； judges； marshals； secretaries； and all the
other chief men to govern them； but they； must not touch upon this
other question。 Why？ The question of who shall be governor of a
Territory for a year or two； and pass away； without his track being
left upon the soil； or an act which he did for good or for evil being
left behind； is a question of vast national magnitude； it is so much
opposed in its nature to locality that the nation itself must decide
it： while this other matter of planting slavery upon a soil；a thing
which； once planted； cannot be eradicated by the succeeding millions
who have as much right there as the first comers； or； if eradicated；
not without infinite difficulty and a long struggle； he considers the
power to prohibit it as one of these little local； trivial things
that the nation ought not to say a word about； that it affects nobody
save the few men who are there。
Take these two things and consider them together； present the
question of planting a State with the institution of slavery by the
side of a question who shall be Governor of Kansas for a year or two；
and is there a man here； is there a man on earth； who would not say
the governor question is the little one； and the slavery question is
the great one？ I ask any honest Democrat if the small； the local；
and the trivial and temporary question is not； Who shall be governor？
while the durable； the important； and the mischievous one is； Shall
this soil be planted with slavery？
This is an idea； I suppose； which has arisen in Judge Douglas's mind
from his peculiar structure。 I suppose the institution of slavery
really looks small to him。 He is so put up by nature that a lash
upon his back would hurt him； but a lash upon anybody else's back
does not hurt him。 That is the build of the man； and consequently he
looks upon the matter of slavery in this unimportant light。
Judge Douglas ought to remember； when he is endeavoring to force this
policy upon the American people； that while he is put up in that way；
a good many are not。 He ought to remember that there was once in
this country a man by the name of Thomas Jefferson； supposed to be a
Democrat；a man whose principles and policy are not very prevalent
amongst Democrats to…day； it is true； but that man did not take
exactly this view of the insignificance of the element of slav