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very morning I received a prayer set forth by the most
conservative of all Protestant religious bodiesnamely； the
American branch of the Anglican Churchto be said in all
churches； begging the Almighty to favor the work of the peace
conference； and this is what is going on in various other
American churches； and in vast numbers of households。 Something
of the same sort is true in Great Britain and； perhaps in many
parts of the Continent。
Granted that expectations are overwrought； still this fact
indicates that here is a feeling which cannot be disregarded。
Moreover； to my certain knowledge； within a month； a leading
socialist in France has boasted to one of the members of this
conference that it would end in failure； that the monarchs and
governments of Europe do not wish to diminish bloodshed； that
they would refuse to yield to the desire of the peoples for
peace； and that by the resentment thus aroused a new path to
victory would be open to socialism。
Grant； too； that this is overstated； still such a declaration is
significant。
I know it has been said that arbitration is derogatory to
sovereignty。 I really fail to see how this can be said in
Germany。 Germany has already submitted a great political question
between herself and Spain to arbitration； and the Emperor William
I was himself the arbiter between the United States and Great
Britain in the matter of our northwestern boundary。
Bear in mind again that it is only VOLUNTARY arbitration that is
proposed； and that it will always rest with the German Emperor to
decide what questions he will submit to the tribunal and what he
will not。
It has also been said that arbitration proceedings would give the
enemies of Germany time to put themselves in readiness for war；
but if this be feared in any emergency； the Emperor and his
government are always free to mobilize the German army at once。
As you are aware； what is seriously proposed here now； in the way
of arbitration； is not a tribunal constantly in session； but a
system under which each of the signatory powers shall be free to
choose； for a limited time； from an international court； say two
or more judges who can go to The Hague if their services are
required； but to be paid only while actually in session here；
such payment to be made by the litigating parties。
As to the machinery； the plan is that there shall be a dignified
body composed of the diplomatic representatives of the various
signatory powers； to sit at The Hague； presided over by the
Netherlands minister of foreign affairs； and to select and to
control such secretaries and officers as may be necessary for the
ordinary conduct of affairs。
Such council would receive notice from powers having differences
with each other which are willing to submit the questions between
them to a court； and would then give notice to the judges
selected by the parties。 The whole of the present plan； except
some subordinate features of little account； which can easily be
stricken out； is voluntary。 There is nothing whatever obligatory
about it。 Every signatory power is free to resort to such a
tribunal or not； as it may think best。 Surely a concession like
this may well be made to the deep and wide sentiment throughout
the world in favor of some possible means of settling
controversies between nations other than by bloodshed。
Pardon me for earnestly pressing upon you these facts and
considerations。 I beg that you will not consider me as going
beyond my province。 I present them to you as man to man； not only
in the interest of good relations between Germany and the United
States； but of interests common to all the great nations of the
earth；of their common interest in giving something like
satisfaction to a desire so earnest and wide…spread as that which
has been shown in all parts of the world for arbitration。
I remain； dear Baron von Bulow；
Most respectfully and sincerely yours；
（Sgd。） ANDREW D。 WHITE。
P。 S。 Think how easily； if some such tribunal existed； your
government and mine could refer to it the whole mass of minor
questions which our respective parliamentary bodies have got
control of； and entangled in all sorts of petty prejudices and
demagogical utterances； for instance； Samoa； the tonnage dues；
the sugar…bounty question； the most…favored…nation clause； etc。；
etc。； which keep the two countries constantly at loggerheads。 Do
you not see that submission of such questions to such a tribunal
as is now proposed； so far from being derogatory to sovereignty；
really relieves the sovereign and the Foreign Office of the most
vexatious fetters and limitations of parliamentarianism。 It is
not at all unlikely that such a court would decide in your favor；
and if so； every thoughtful American would say； 〃Well and good；
it appears that； in spite of all the speeches in Congress； we
were wrong。〃 And the matter would then be ended with the
good…will of all parties。
（Sgd。） A。D。W。
It is indeed a crisis in the history of the conference； and
perhaps in the history of Germany。 I can only hope that Bulow
will give careful attention to the considerations which Munster
and myself press upon him。
Later in the day Sir Julian Pauncefote called； evidently much
vexed that the sitting of the subcommittee had been deferred； and
even more vexed since he had learned from De Staal the real
reason。 He declared that he was opposed to stringing out the
conference much longer； that the subcommittee could get along
perfectly well without Dr。 Zorn； that if Germany did not wish to
come in； she could keep out； etc。； etc。 He seemed to forget that
Germany's going out means the departure of Austria and Italy； to
say nothing of one or two minor powers； and therefore the
bringing to naught of the conference。 I did not think it best to
say anything about Molls's departure； but soothed him as much as
I could by dwelling on the success of his proposal that the
permanent council here shall be composed of the resident
diplomatic representatives。
The other members of our commission； and especially President
Low； were at first very much opposed to Dr。 Holls's going； on the
ground that it might be considered an interference in a matter
pertaining to Germany； but I persisted in sending him； agreeing
to take all the responsibility； and declaring that he should go
simply as a messenger from me； as the American ambassador at
Berlin； to the imperial minister of foreign affairs。
June 17。
The morning was given largely to completing my draft of our
memorial to the conference regarding the immunity of private
property in time of war from seizure on the high seas。
In the afternoon drove to Scheveningen to make sundry official
visits； and in the evening to the great festival given by the
Netherlands Government to the conference。
Its first feature was a series of tableaux representing some of
the most famous pictures in the Dutch galleries the most
successful of all being Rembrandt's 〃Night Watch。〃 Jan Steen's
〃Wedding Party〃 was also very beautiful。 Then came peasant dances
given； in the midst of the great hall； by persons in the costumes
of all the different provinces。 These were characteristic and
interesting； some of them being wonderfully quaint。
The violinist of the late King； Joh