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his confidence and kindness； but making my resignation final； and
naming the date when it would be absolutely necessary for me to
leave Russia。 A very kind letter from him was the result； the
time I had named was accepted； and on the 1st of November； 1894；
to my especial satisfaction； I was once more free from official
duty。
CHAPTER XXXIX
AS MEMBER OF THE VENEZUELA COMMISSION1895…1896
Early one morning； just at the end of 1895； as I was at work
before the blazing fire in my library at the university； the
winter storms howling outside； a card was brought in bearing the
name of Mr。 Hamlin； assistant secretary of the treasury of the
United States。 While I was wondering what； at that time of the
year； could have brought a man from such important duties in
Washington to the bleak hills of central New York； he entered；
and soon made known his business； which was to tender me； on the
part of President Cleveland； a position upon the commission which
had been authorized by Congress to settle the boundary between
the republic of Venezuela and British Guiana。
The whole matter had attracted great attention； not only in the
United States； but throughout the world。 The appointment of the
commission was the result of a chain of circumstances very
honorable to the President； to his Secretary of State； Mr。 Olney；
and to Congress。 For years the Venezuelan government had been
endeavoring to establish a frontier between its territory and
that of its powerful neighbor； but without result； and meantime
the British boundary seemed to be pushed more and more into the
territory of the little Spanish…American republic。 For years；
too； Venezuela had appealed to the United States； and the United
States had appealed to Great Britain。 American secretaries of
state and ambassadors at the Court of St。 James had 〃trusted；〃
and 〃regretted；〃 and had 〃the honor to renew assurances of their
most distinguished consideration〃； but all in vain。 At last the
matter had been presented by Secretary Olney to the government of
Lord Salisbury； and now； to Mr。 Olney's main despatch on the
subject； Lord Salisbury； after some months' delay； had returned
an answer declining arbitration； and adding that international
law did not recognize the Monroe Doctrine。 This seemed even more
than cool； for； when one remembered that the Monroe Doctrine was
at first laid down with the approval of Great Britain； that it
was glorified in Parliament and in the British press of 1823 and
the years following； and that Great Britain had laid down
policies in various parts of the earth； especially in the
Mediterranean and in the far East； which she insisted that all
other powers should respect without reference to any sanction by
international law； this argument seemed almost insulting。
So it evidently seemed to Mr。 Cleveland。 Probably no man less
inclined to demagogism or to a policy of adventure ever existed；
but as he looked over the case his American instincts were
evidently aroused。 He saw then； what is clear to everybody now；
that it was the time of all times for laying down； distinctly and
decisively； the American doctrine on the subject。 He did so； and
in a message to Congress proposed that； since Great Britain would
not intrust the finding of a boundary to arbitration； the United
States should appoint commissioners to find what the proper
boundary was； and then； having ascertained it； should support its
sister American republic in maintaining it。
Of course the President was attacked from all sides most
bitterly； even those called 〃the better element〃 in the
Republican and Democratic parties； who had been his ardent
supporters； now became his bitter enemies。 He was charged with
〃demagogism〃 and 〃jingoism；〃 but he kept sturdily on。 Congress；
including the great body of the Republicans； supported him； the
people at large stood by him； and； as a result； a commission to
determine the boundary was appointed and began its work in
Washington； the commissioners being； in the order named by the
President； David J。 Brewer of Kansas； a justice of the Supreme
Court of the United States； Chief Justice Alvey of the District
of Columbia； Andrew D。 White of New York； F。 R。 Coudert； an
eminent member of the New York bar； and Daniel C。 Gilman of
Maryland； President of Johns Hopkins University。
On our arrival in Washington there was much discouragement among
us。 We found ourselves in a jungle of geographical and legal
questions； with no clue in sight leading anywhither。 The rights
of Great Britain had been derived in 1815； from the Netherlands；
the rights of Venezuela had been derived； about 1820； from Spain；
but to find the boundary separating the two in that vast
territory； mainly unsettled； between the Orinoco and the
Essequibo rivers； seemed impossible。
The original rights of the Netherlands had been derived from
Spain by the treaty of Munster in 1648； and on examining that
enormous document； which settled weighty questions in various
parts of the world； after the life…and…death struggle； religious；
political； and military； which had gone on for nearly eighty
years； one little clause arrested our attention： that； namely； in
which the Spaniards； despite their bitter hatred of the Dutch；
agreed that the latter might carry on warlike operations against
〃certain other people〃 with reference to territorial rights in
America。 These 〃certain other people〃 were not precisely
indicated； and we hoped； by finding who they were； to get a clue
to the fundamental facts of the case。 Straightway two of our
three lawyers； Mr。 Justice Brewer and Mr。 Coudert； grappled on
this question； one of them taking the ground that these 〃other
people〃 referred to were the Caribbean Indians who had lived just
south of the mouth of the Orinoco； and had been friendly to the
Dutch but implacable toward the Spaniards； and that their
territory was to be considered as virtually Dutch； and；
therefore； as having passed finally to England。 But the other
disputant insisted that it referred to the Brazilians and had no
relation to the question with which we had to deal。 During two
whole sessions this ground was fought over in a legal way by
these gentlemen； with great acumen； the rest of us hardly putting
in a word。
At the beginning of the third session I ventured a remonstrance；
saying that it was a historical； and not a legal； question； that
it could not possibly be settled by legal argument； that the
first thing to know was why the clause was inserted in the
treaty； and that the next thing was to find； from the whole
history leading up to it； who those 〃other persons〃 thus vaguely
referred to and left by the Spaniards to the tender mercies of
the Dutch might be； and I insisted that this； being a historical
question； must be solved by historical experts。 The commission
acknowledged the justice of this； and on my nomination we called
to our aid Mr。 George Lincoln Burr； professor of history in
Cornell University。 It is not at all the very close friendship
which has existed for so many years between us which prompts the
assertion that； of all historical scholars I have ever known； he
is among the very foremost； by his powers of research； his
tenacity of memory； his almost preternatural accuracy； his
ability to keep the whole field of investigation in his mind； and
his fidelity to truth and justice。 He was set at the problem； and
giv