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the new machiavelli-第68章

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repudiate frontage; claim to be pure hinterland。  That is what 

bothered me about Codger; about those various schoolmasters who had 

prepared me for life; about the Baileys and their dream of an 

official ruling class。  A human being who is a philosopher in the 

first place; a teacher in the first place; or a statesman in the 

first place; is thereby and inevitably; though he bring God…like 

gifts to the pretencea quack。  These are attempts to live deep…

side shallow; inside out。  They produce merely a new pettiness。  To 

understand Socialism; again; is to gain a new breadth of outlook; to 

join a Socialist organisation is to join a narrow cult which is not 

even tolerably serviceable in presenting or spreading the ideas for 

which it stands。 。 。 。



I perceived I had got something quite fundamental here。  It had 

taken me some years to realise the true relation of the great 

constructive ideas that swayed me not only to political parties; but 

to myself。  I had been disposed to identify the formulae of some one 

party with social construction; and to regard the other as 

necessarily anti…constructive; just as I had been inclined to follow 

the Baileys in the self…righteousness of supposing myself to be 

wholly constructive。  But I saw now that every man of intellectual 

freedom and vigour is necessarily constructive…minded nowadays; and 

that no man is disinterestedly so。  Each one of us repeats in 

himself the conflict of the race between the splendour of its 

possibilities and its immediate associations。  We may be shaping 

immortal things; but we must sleep and answer the dinner gong; and 

have our salt of flattery and self…approval。  In politics a man 

counts not for what he is in moments of imaginative expansion; but 

for his common workaday; selfish self; and political parties are 

held together not by a community of ultimate aims; but by the 

stabler bond of an accustomed life。  Everybody almost is for 

progress in general; and nearly everybody is opposed to any change; 

except in so far as gross increments are change; in his particular 

method of living and behaviour。  Every party stands essentially for 

the interests and mental usages of some definite class or group of 

classes in the exciting community; and every party has its 

scientific…minded and constructive leading section; with well…

defined hinterlands formulating its social functions in a public…

spirited form; and its superficial…minded following confessing its 

meannesses and vanities and prejudices。  No class will abolish 

itself; materially alter its way of life; or drastically reconstruct 

itself; albeit no class is indisposed to co…operate in the unlimited 

socialisation of any other class。  In that capacity for aggression 

upon other classes lies the essential driving force of modern 

affairs。  The instincts; the persons; the parties; and vanities sway 

and struggle。  The ideas and understandings march on and achieve 

themselves for allin spite of every one。 。 。 。



The methods and traditions of British politics maintain the form of 

two great parties; with rider groups seeking to gain specific ends 

in the event of a small Government majority。  These two main parties 

are more or less heterogeneous in composition。  Each; however; has 

certain necessary characteristics。  The Conservative Party has 

always stood quite definitely for the established propertied 

interests。  The land…owner; the big lawyer; the Established Church; 

and latterly the huge private monopoly of the liquor trade which has 

been created by temperance legislation; are the essential 

Conservatives。  Interwoven now with the native wealthy are the 

families of the great international usurers; and a vast 

miscellaneous mass of financial enterprise。  Outside the range of 

resistance implied by these interests; the Conservative Party has 

always shown itself just as constructive and collectivist as any 

other party。  The great landowners have been as well…disposed 

towards the endowment of higher education; and as willing to co…

operate with the Church in protective and mildly educational 

legislation for children and the working class; as any political 

section。  The financiers; too; are adventurous…spirited and eager 

for mechanical progress and technical efficiency。  They are prepared 

to spend public money upon research; upon ports and harbours and 

public communications; upon sanitation and hygienic organisation。  A 

certain rude benevolence of public intention is equally 

characteristic of the liquor trade。  Provided his comfort leads to 

no excesses of temperance; the liquor trade is quite eager to see 

the common man prosperous; happy; and with money to spend in a bar。  

All sections of the party are aggressively patriotic and favourably 

inclined to the idea of an upstanding; well…fed; and well…exercised 

population in uniform。  Of course there are reactionary landowners 

and old…fashioned country clergy; full of localised self…importance; 

jealous even of the cottager who can read; but they have neither the 

power nor the ability to retard the constructive forces in the party 

as a whole。  On the other hand; when matters point to any definitely 

confiscatory proposal; to the public ownership and collective 

control of land; for example; or state mining and manufactures; or 

the nationalisation of the so…called public…house or extended 

municipal enterprise; or even to an increase of the taxation of 

property; then the Conservative Party presents a nearly adamantine 

bar。  It does not stand for; it IS; the existing arrangement in 

these affairs。



Even more definitely a class party is the Labour Party; whose 

immediate interest is to raise wages; shorten hours of labor; 

increase employment; and make better terms for the working…man 

tenant and working…man purchaser。  Its leaders are no doubt 

constructive minded; but the mass of the following is naturally 

suspicious of education and discipline; hostile to the higher 

education; andexcept for an obvious antagonism to employers and 

property ownersalmost destitute of ideas。  What else can it be?  

It stands for the expropriated multitude; whose whole situation and 

difficulty arise from its individual lack of initiative and 

organising power。  It favours the nationalisation of land and 

capital with no sense of the difficulties involved in the process; 

but; on the other hand; the equally reasonable socialisation of 

individuals which is implied by military service is steadily and 

quite naturally and quite illogically opposed by it。  It is only in 

recent years that Labour has emerged as a separate party from the 

huge hospitable caravanserai of Liberalism; and there is still a 

very marked tendency to step back again into that multitudinous 

assemblage。



For multitudinousness has always been the Liberal characteristic。  

Liberalism never has been nor ever can be anything but a diversified 

crowd。  Liberalism has to voice everything that is left out by these 

other parties。  It is the party against the predominating interests。  

It is at once the party of the failing and of the untried; it is the 

party of decadence and hope。  From its nature it must be a vague and 

planless association in comparison with its antagonist; neither so 

constructive on the one hand; nor on the other so competent to 

hinder the inevitable constructions of the civilised state。  

Essentially it is the party of criticism; the 〃Anti〃 party。  It is a 

system of hostilities and objections that somehow achieves at times 

an elusive common soul。  It is a gathering together of all the 

smaller interests which find themselves at a disadvantage against 

the big established classes; the leasehold tenant as against the 

landowner; the retail tradesman as against the merchant and the 

moneylender; the Nonconformist as against the Churchman; the small 

employer as against the demoralising hospitable publ
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