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Mr。 Clay； and they will be glad to hear anything from that authority。
While he was in Indiana a man presented a petition to liberate his
negroes； and he （Mr。 Clay） made a speech in answer to it； which I
suppose he carefully wrote out himself and caused to be published。 I
have before me an extract from that speech which constitutes the
evidence this pretended 〃Old…Line Whig〃 at Chicago brought forward to
show that Mr。 Clay did n't suppose the negro was included in the
Declaration of Independence。 Hear what Mr。 Clay said：
〃And what is the foundation of this appeal to me in Indiana to
liberate the slaves under my care in Kentucky？ It is a general
declaration in the act announcing to the world the independence of
the thirteen American colonies； that all men are created equal。 Now；
as an abstract principle； there is no doubt of the truth of that
declaration； and it is desirable； in the original construction of
society and in organized societies； to keep it in view as a great
fundamental principle。 But； then； I apprehend that in no society
that ever did exist； or ever shall be formed； was or can the equality
asserted among the members of the human race be practically enforced
and carried out。 There are portions； large portions； women； minors；
insane； culprits； transient sojourners； that will always probably
remain subject to the government of another portion of the community。
〃That declaration； whatever may be the extent of its import； was made
by the delegations of the thirteen States。 In most of them slavery
existed； and had long existed； and was established by law。 It was
introduced and forced upon the colonies by the paramount law of
England。 Do you believe that in making that declaration the States
that concurred in it intended that it should be tortured into a
virtual emancipation of all the slaves within their respective
limits？ Would Virginia and other Southern States have ever united in
a declaration which was to be interpreted into an abolition of
slavery among them？ Did any one of the thirteen colonies entertain
such a design or expectation？ To impute such a secret and unavowed
purpose； would be to charge a political fraud upon the noblest band
of patriots that ever assembled in council；a fraud upon the
Confederacy of the Revolution； a fraud upon the union of those States
whose Constitution not only recognized the lawfulness of slavery； but
permitted the importation of slaves from Africa until the year 1808。〃
This is the entire quotation brought forward to prove that somebody
previous to three years ago had said the negro was not included in
the term 〃all men〃 in the Declaration。 How does it do so？ In what
way has it a tendency to prove that？ Mr。 Clay says it is true as an
abstract principle that all men are created equal； but that we cannot
practically apply it in all eases。 He illustrates this by bringing
forward the cases of females； minors； and insane persons； with whom
it cannot be enforced； but he says it is true as an abstract
principle in the organization of society as well as in organized
society and it should be kept in view as a fundamental principle。
Let me read a few words more before I add some comments of my own。
Mr。 Clay says； a little further on：
〃I desire no concealment of my opinions in regard to the institution
of slavery。 I look upon it as a great evil； and deeply lament that
we have derived it from the parental government and from our
ancestors。 I wish every slave in the United States was in the
country of his ancestors。 But here they are； and the question is；
How can they be best dealt with？ If a state of nature existed； and
we were about to lay the foundations of society； no man would be more
strongly opposed than I should be to incorporate the institution of
slavery amongst its elements。〃
Now； here in this same book； in this same speech； in this same
extract； brought forward to prove that Mr。 Clay held that the negro
was not included in the Declaration of Independence； is no such
statement on his part； but the declaration that it is a great
fundamental truth which should be constantly kept in view in the
organization of society and in societies already organized。 But if I
say a word about it； if I attempt； as Mr。 Clay said all good men
ought to do； to keep it in view； if； in this 〃organized society；〃 I
ask to have the public eye turned upon it； if I ask； in relation to
the organization of new Territories； that the public eye should be
turned upon it； forthwith I am vilified as you hear me to…day。 what
have I done that I have not the license of Henry Clay's illustrious
example here in doing？ Have I done aught that I have not his
authority for； while maintaining that in organizing new Territories
and societies this fundamental principle should be regarded； and in
organized society holding it up to the public view and recognizing
what he recognized as the great principle of free government？
And when this new principlethis new proposition that no human being
ever thought of three years agois brought forward； I combat it as
having an evil tendency； if not an evil design。 I combat it as
having a tendency to dehumanize the negro； to take away from him the
right of ever striving to be a man。 I combat it as being one of the
thousand things constantly done in these days to prepare the public
mind to make property； and nothing but property； of the negro in all
the States of this Union。
But there is a point that I wish； before leaving this part of the
discussion； to ask attention to。 I have read and I repeat the words
of Henry Clay：
〃I desire no concealment of my opinions in regard to the institution
of slavery。 I look upon it as a great evil； and deeply lament that
we have derived it from the parental government and from our
ancestors。 I wish every slave in the United States was in the
country of his ancestors。 But here they are； and the question is；
How can they be best dealt with？ If a state of nature existed； and
we were about to lay the foundations of society； no man would be more
strongly opposed than I should be to incorporate the institution of
slavery amongst its elements。〃
The principle upon which I have insisted in this canvass is in
relation to laying the foundations of new societies。 I have never
sought to apply these principles to the old States for the purpose of
abolishing slavery in those States。 It is nothing but a miserable
perversion of what I have said； to assume that I have declared
Missouri； or any other slave State； shall emancipate her slaves； I
have proposed no such thing。 But when Mr。 Clay says that in laying
the foundations of society in our Territories where it does not
exist； he would be opposed to the introduction of slavery as an
element； I insist that we have his warranthis licensefor
insisting upon the exclusion of that element which he declared in
such strong and emphatic language was most hurtful to him。
Judge Douglas has again referred to a Springfield speech in which I
said 〃a house divided against itself cannot stand。〃 The Judge has so
often made the entire quotation from that speech that I can make it
from memory。 I used this language：
〃We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with
the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to the
slavery agitation。 Under the operation of this policy； that
agitation has not only not ceased； but has constantly augmented。 In
my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached
and passed。 'A house divided against itself cannot stand。' I believe
this government cannot endure permanently； half slave and half free。
I do not expect the house to fall； but I do expect it will cease to
be divided。 It will become all one thing； or all the other。 Either
the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it； and
place it where the public mind sha