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Trumbull any more； but thereafter he should hold Lincoln responsible
for the slanders upon him。 When I met him at Charleston after that；
although I think that I should not have noticed the subject if he had
not said he would hold me responsible for it； I spread out before him
the statements of the evidence that Judge Trumbull had used； and I
asked Judge Douglas； piece by piece； to put his finger upon one piece
of all that evidence that he would say was a forgery！ When I went
through with each and every piece； Judge Douglas did not dare then to
say that any piece of it was a forgery。 So it seems that there are
some things that Judge Douglas dares to do； and some that he dares
not to do。
＇A voice： It is the same thing with you。＇
Yes； sir； it is the same thing with me。 I do dare to say forgery
when it is true； and don't dare to say forgery when it is false。 Now
I will say here to this audience and to Judge Douglas I have not
dared to say he committed a forgery； and I never shall until I know
it； but I did dare to sayjust to suggest to the Judgethat a
forgery had been committed； which by his own showing had been traced
to him and two of his friends。 I dared to suggest to him that he had
expressly promised in one of his public speeches to investigate that
matter； and I dared to suggest to him that there was an implied
promise that when he investigated it he would make known the result。
I dared to suggest to the Judge that he could not expect to be quite
clear of suspicion of that fraud； for since the time that promise was
made he had been with those friends； and had not kept his promise in
regard to the investigation and the report upon it。 I am not a very
daring man； but I dared that much； Judge； and I am not much scared
about it yet。 When the Judge says he would n't have believed of
Abraham Lincoln that he would have made such an attempt as that he
reminds me of the fact that he entered upon this canvass with the
purpose to treat me courteously； that touched me somewhat。 It sets
me to thinking。 I was aware； when it was first agreed that Judge
Douglas and I were to have these seven joint discussions； that they
were the successive acts of a drama； perhaps I should say； to be
enacted； not merely in the face of audiences like this； but in the
face of the nation； and to some extent； by my relation to him； and
not from anything in myself； in the face of the world； and I am
anxious that they should be conducted with dignity and in the good
temper which would be befitting the vast audiences before which it
was conducted。 But when Judge Douglas got home from Washington and
made his first speech in Chicago； the evening afterward I made some
sort of a reply to it。 His second speech was made at Bloomington； in
which he commented upon my speech at Chicago and said that I had used
language ingeniously contrived to conceal my intentions； or words to
that effect。 Now； I understand that this is an imputation upon my
veracity and my candor。 I do not know what the Judge understood by
it； but in our first discussion； at Ottawa； he led off by charging a
bargain； somewhat corrupt in its character； upon Trumbull and
myself；that we had entered into a bargain； one of the terms of
which was that Trumbull was to Abolitionize the old Democratic party；
and I （Lincoln） was to Abolitionize the old Whig party； I pretending
to be as good an old…line Whig as ever。 Judge Douglas may not
understand that he implicated my truthfulness and my honor when he
said I was doing one thing and pretending another； and I
misunderstood him if he thought he was treating me in a dignified
way； as a man of honor and truth； as he now claims he was disposed to
treat me。 Even after that time； at Galesburgh； when he brings
forward an extract from a speech made at Chicago and an extract from
a speech made at Charleston； to prove that I was trying to play a
double part； that I was trying to cheat the public； and get votes
upon one set of principles at one place； and upon another set of
principles at another place；I do not understand but what he
impeaches my honor； my veracity； and my candor； and because he does
this； I do not understand that I am bound； if I see a truthful ground
for it； to keep my hands off of him。 As soon as I learned that Judge
Douglas was disposed to treat me in this way； I signified in one of
my speeches that I should be driven to draw upon whatever of humble
resources I might have；to adopt a new course with him。 I was not
entirely sure that I should be able to hold my own with him； but I at
least had the purpose made to do as well as I could upon him； and now
I say that I will not be the first to cry 〃Hold。〃 I think it
originated with the Judge； and when he quits； I probably will。 But I
shall not ask any favors at all。 He asks me； or he asks the
audience； if I wish to push this matter to the point of personal
difficulty。 I tell him； no。 He did not make a mistake； in one of
his early speeches； when he called me an 〃amiable〃 man； though
perhaps he did when he called me an 〃intelligent〃 man。 It really
hurts me very much to suppose that I have wronged anybody on earth。
I again tell him； no！ I very much prefer； when this canvass shall be
over； however it may result； that we at least part without any bitter
recollections of personal difficulties。
The Judge； in his concluding speech at Galesburgh； says that I was
pushing this matter to a personal difficulty； to avoid the
responsibility for the enormity of my principles。 I say to the Judge
and this audience； now； that I will again state our principles； as
well as I hastily can； in all their enormity； and if the Judge
hereafter chooses to confine himself to a war upon these principles；
he will probably not find me departing from the same course。
We have in this nation this element of domestic slavery。 It is a
matter of absolute certainty that it is a disturbing element。 It is
the opinion of all the great men who have expressed an opinion upon
it； that it is a dangerous element。 We keep up a controversy in
regard to it。 That controversy necessarily springs from difference
of opinion； and if we can learn exactlycan reduce to the lowest
elementswhat that difference of opinion is； we perhaps shall be
better prepared for discussing the different systems of policy that
we would propose in regard to that disturbing element。 I suggest
that the difference of opinion； reduced to its lowest of terms； is no
other than the difference between the men who think slavery a wrong
and those who do not think it wrong。 The Republican party think it
wrong； we think it is a moral； a social； and a political wrong。 We
think it as a wrong not confining itself merely to the persons or the
States where it exists； but that it is a wrong in its tendency； to
say the least； that extends itself to the existence of the whole
nation。 Because we think it wrong； we propose a course of policy
that shall deal with it as a wrong。 We deal with it as with any
other wrong； in so far as we can prevent its growing any larger； and
so deal with it that in the run of time there may be some promise of
an end to it。 We have a due regard to the actual presence of it
amongst us； and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any
satisfactory way； and all the constitutional obligations thrown about
it。 I suppose that in reference both to its actual existence in the
nation； and to our constitutional obligations； we have no right at
all to disturb it in the States where it exists； and we profess that
we have no more inclination to disturb it than we have the right to
do it。 We go further than that： we don't propose to disturb it
where； in one instance； we think the Constitution would permit us。
We think the Constitution would permit us to disturb it in the
District of Columbia。 Still； we do not propose to do that； unless it
should be in terms which I don't suppose the nation is ve