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will now read； and ask you to notice how very nearly they are the
same as Judge Douglas says were delivered by me down in Egypt。 After
reading； I added these words：
〃Now； gentlemen； I don't want to read at any great length； but this
is the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the
institution of slavery or the black race； and this is the whole of
it： anything that argues me into his idea of perfect social and
political equality with the negro； is but a specious and fantastical
arrangement of words by which a man can prove a horse…chestnut to be
a chestnut horse。 I will say here； while upon this subject； that I
have no purpose； directly or indirectly； to interfere with the
institution in the States where it exists。 I believe I have no right
to do so。 I have no inclination to do so。 I have no purpose to
introduce political and social equality between the white and black
races。 There is a physical difference between the two which； in my
judgment； will probably forever forbid their living together on the
footing of perfect equality； and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity
that there must be a difference； I； as well as Judge Douglas； am in
favor of the race to which I belong having the superior position。 I
have never said anything to the contrary； but I hold that；
notwithstanding all this； there is no reason in the world why the
negro is not entitled to all the rights enumerated in the Declaration
of Independence；the right of life； liberty； and the pursuit of
happiness。 I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white
man。 I agree with Judge Douglas that he is not my equal in many
respects； certainly not in color； perhaps not in intellectual and
moral endowments； but in the right to eat the bread； without the
leave of anybody else； which his own hand earns； he is my equal and
the equal of Judge Douglas； and the equal of every other man。〃
I have chiefly introduced this for the purpose of meeting the Judge's
charge that the quotation he took from my Charleston speech was what
I would say down South among the Kentuckians； the Virginians； etc。；
but would not say in the regions in which was supposed to be more of
the Abolition element。 I now make this comment： That speech from
which I have now read the quotation； and which is there given
correctlyperhaps too much so for good tastewas made away up North
in the Abolition District of this State par excellence； in the
Lovejoy District； in the personal presence of Lovejoy； for he was on
the stand with us when I made it。 It had been made and put in print
in that region only three days less than a month before the speech
made at Charleston； the like of which Judge Douglas thinks I would
not make where there was any Abolition element。 I only refer to this
matter to say that I am altogether unconscious of having attempted
any double…dealing anywhere； that upon one occasion I may say one
thing； and leave other things unsaid； and vice versa； but that I have
said anything on one occasion that is inconsistent with what I have
said elsewhere； I deny； at least I deny it so far as the intention is
concerned。 I find that I have devoted to this topic a larger portion
of my time than I had intended。 I wished to show； but I will pass it
upon this occasion； that in the sentiment I have occasionally
advanced upon the Declaration of Independence I am entirely borne out
by the sentiments advanced by our old Whig leader； Henry Clay； and I
have the book here to show it from but because I have already
occupied more time than I intended to do on that topic； I pass over
it。
At Galesburgh； I tried to show that by the Dred Scott decision；
pushed to its legitimate consequences； slavery would be established
in all the States as well as in the Territories。 I did this because；
upon a former occasion； I had asked Judge Douglas whether； if the
Supreme Court should make a decision declaring that the States had
not the power to exclude slavery from their limits； he would adopt
and follow that decision as a rule of political action； and because
he had not directly answered that question； but had merely contented
himself with sneering at it； I again introduced it； and tried to show
that the conclusion that I stated followed inevitably and logically
from the proposition already decided by the court。 Judge Douglas had
the privilege of replying to me at Galesburgh； and again he gave me
no direct answer as to whether he would or would not sustain such a
decision if made。 I give him his third chance to say yes or no。 He
is not obliged to do either； probably he will not do either； but I
give him the third chance。 I tried to show then that this result；
this conclusion； inevitably followed from the point already decided
by the court。 The Judge； in his reply； again sneers at the thought
of the court making any such decision； and in the course of his
remarks upon this subject uses the language which I will now read。
Speaking of me； the Judge says：
〃He goes on and insists that the Dred Scott decision would carry
slavery into the free States； notwithstanding the decision itself
says the contrary。〃 And he adds：
〃Mr。 Lincoln knows that there is no member of the Supreme Court that
holds that doctrine。 He knows that every one of them in their
opinions held the reverse。
I especially introduce this subject again for the purpose of saying
that I have the Dred Scott decision here； and I will thank Judge
Douglas to lay his finger upon the place in the entire opinions of
the court where any one of them 〃says the contrary。〃 It is very hard
to affirm a negative with entire confidence。 I say； however； that I
have examined that decision with a good deal of care； as a lawyer
examines a decision and； so far as I have been able to do so； the
court has nowhere in its opinions said that the States have the power
to exclude slavery； nor have they used other language substantially
that； I also say； so far as I can find； not one of the concurring
judges has said that the States can exclude slavery； nor said
anything that was substantially that。 The nearest approach that any
one of them has made to it； so far as I can find； was by Judge
Nelson； and the approach he made to it was exactly； in substance； the
Nebraska Bill；that the States had the exclusive power over the
question of slavery； so far as they are not limited by the
Constitution of the United States。 I asked the question； therefore；
if the non…concurring judges； McLean or Curtis； had asked to get an
express declaration that the States could absolutely exclude slavery
from their limits； what reason have we to believe that it would not
have been voted down by the majority of the judges； just as Chase's
amendment was voted down by Judge Douglas and his compeers when it
was offered to the Nebraska Bill。
Also； at Galesburgh； I said something in regard to those Springfield
resolutions that Judge Douglas had attempted to use upon me at
Ottawa； and commented at some length upon the fact that they were； as
presented； not genuine。 Judge Douglas in his reply to me seemed to
be somewhat exasperated。 He said he would never have believed that
Abraham Lincoln； as he kindly called me； would have attempted such a
thing as I had attempted upon that occasion； and among other
expressions which he used toward me； was that I dared to say forgery；
that I had dared to say forgery ＇turning to Judge Douglas＇。 Yes；
Judge； I did dare to say forgery。 But in this political canvass the
Judge ought to remember that I was not the first who dared to say
forgery。 At Jacksonville； Judge Douglas made a speech in answer to
something said by Judge Trumbull； and at the close of what he said
upon that subject； he dared to say that Trumbull had forged his
evidence。 He said； too； that he should not concern himself with
Trumbull any more； but thereafter he should hold Lincoln responsible
for the slanders upon him。