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what con… cerns the relations between nations。 The mass of the population
of a country can be led to love or hate any other country at the will of the
newspaper proprietors； which is often； directly or indirectly； influenced by
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the will of the great financiers。 So long as enmity between England and
Russia was desired； our newspapers were full of the cruel treatment meted
out to Russian political prisoners； the oppression of Finland and Russian
Poland； and other such topics。 As soon as our foreign policy changed；
these items disappeared from the more important newspapers； and we
heard instead of the misdeeds of Germany。 Most men are not sufficiently
critical to be on their guard against such influences； and until they are； the
power of the Press will remain。
Besides these two influences of capitalism in promoting war； there is
another； much less emphasized by the critics of capitalism； but by no
means less important： I mean the pugnacity which tends to be developed
in men who have the habit of command。 So long as capitalist society
persists； an undue measure of power will be in the hands of those who
have acquired wealth and influence through a great position in industry or
finance。 Such men are in the habit； in private life； of finding their will
seldom questioned； they are surrounded by obsequious satellites and are
not infrequently engaged in conflicts with Trade Unions。 Among their
friends and acquaintances are included those who hold high positions in
government or administration； and these men equally are liable to become
autocratic through the habit of giving orders。 It used to be customary to
speak of the ‘‘governing classes；'' but nominal democracy has caused this
phrase to go out of fashion。 Nevertheless； it still retains much truth； there
are still in any capitalist community those who command and those who as
a rule obey。 The outlook of these two classes is very different； though in a
modern society there is a continuous gradation from the extreme of the
one to the extreme of the other。 The man who is accustomed to find
submission to his will becomes indignant on the occasions when he finds
opposition。 Instinctively he is convinced that opposition is wicked and
must be crushed。 He is therefore much more willing than the average
citizen to resort to war against his rivals。 Accordingly we find； though； of
course； with very notable exceptions； that in the main those who have
most power are most warlike； and those who have least power are least
disposed to hatred of foreign nations。 This is one of the evils inseparable
from the concentration of power。 It will only be cured by the abolition of
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capitalism if the new system is one which allows very much less power to
single individuals。 It will not be cured by a system which substitutes the
power of Ministers or officials for the power of capitalists This is one
reason； additional to those mentioned in the preceding chapter； for desiring
to see a diminution in the authority of the State。
Not only does the concentration of power tend to cause wars； but；
equally； wars and the fear of them bring about the necessity for the
concentration of power。 So long as the community is exposed to sudden
dangers； the possibility of quick decision is absolutely necessary to self…
preservation。 The cumbrous machinery of deliberative decisions by the
people is impossible in a crisis； and therefore so long as crises are likely to
occur； it is impossible to abolish the almost autocratic power of
governments。 In this case； as in most others； each of two correlative evils
tends to perpetuate the other。 The existence of men with the habit of power
increases the risk of war； and the risk of war makes it impossible to
establish a system where no man possesses great power。
So far we have been considering what is true in the contention that
capitalism causes modern wars。 It is time now to look at the other side；
and to ask ourselves whether the abolition of capitalism would； by itself；
be sufficient to prevent war。
I do not myself believe that this is the case。 The outlook of both
Socialists and Anarchists seems to me； in this respect as in some others； to
be unduly divorced from the fundamental instincts of human nature。 There
were wars before there was capital… ism； and fighting is habitual among
animals。 The power of the Press in promoting war is entirely due to the
fact that it is able to appeal to certain instincts。 Man is naturally
competitive； acquisitive； and； in a greater or less degree； pugnacious。
When the Press tells him that so…and…so is his enemy； a whole set of
instincts in him responds to the suggestion。 It is natural to most men to
suppose that they have enemies and to find a certain fulfillment of their
nature when they embark upon a contest。 What a man believes upon
grossly insufficient evidence is an index to his desiresdesires of which he
himself is often unconscious。 If a man is offered a fact which goes against
his instincts； he will scrutinize it closely； and unless the evidence is
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overwhelming； he will refuse to believe it。 If； on the other hand； he is
offered something which affords a reason for acting in accordance with his
instincts； he will accept it even on the slenderest evidence。 The origin of
myths is explained in this way； and much of what is currently believed in
international affairs is no better than myth。 Although capitalism affords in
modern society the channel by which the instinct of pugnacity finds its
outlet； there is reason to fear that； if this channel were closed； some other
would be found； unless education and environment were so changed as
enormously to diminish the strength of the competitive instinct。 If an
economic reorganization can effect this it may pro… vide a real safeguard
against war； but if not； it is to be feared that the hopes of universal peace
will prove delusive。
The abolition of capitalism might； and very likely would； greatly
diminish the incentives to war which are derived from the Press and from
the desire of finance to find new fields for investment in undeveloped
countries； but those which are derived from the instinct of command and
the impatience of opposition might remain； though perhaps in a less
virulent form than at present。 A democracy which has power is almost
always more bellicose than one which is excluded from its due share in the
government。 The internationalism of Marx is based upon the assumption
that the proletariat everywhere are oppressed by the ruling classes。 The
last words of the Communist Manifesto embody this idea
Let the ruling