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undertook it。 But this need not cause any fundamental objection。
There would； of course； be a certain proportion of the population who
would prefer idleness。 Provided the proportion were small； this need not
matter。 And among those who would be classed as idlers might be
included artists； writers of books； men devoted to abstract intellectual
pursuitsin short； all those whom society despises while they are alive and
honors when they are dead。 To such men； the possibility of pursuing their
own work regardless of any public recognition of its utility would be
invaluable。 Whoever will observe how many of our poets have been men
of private means will realize how much poetic capacity must have
remained undeveloped through poverty； for it would be absurd to suppose
that the rich are better endowed by nature with the capacity for poetry。
Freedom for such men； few as they are； must be set against the waste of
the mere idlers。
So far； we have set forth the arguments in favor of the Anarchist plan。
They are； to my mind； sufficient to make it seem possible that the plan
might succeed； but not sufficient to make it so probable that it would be
wise to try it。
The question of the feasibility of the Anarchist proposals in regard to
distribution is； like so many other questions； a quantitative one。 The
Anarchist proposals consist of two parts： （1） That all the common
commodities should be supplied ad lib。 to all applicants； （2） That no
obligation to work； or economic reward for work； should be imposed on
anyone。 These two proposals are not necessarily inseparable； nor does
either entail the whole system of Anarchism； though without them
Anarchism would hardly be possible。 As regards the first of these
proposals； it can be carried out even now with regard to some
commodities； and it could be carried out in no very distant future with
regard to many more。 It is a flexible plan； since this or that article of
consumption could be placed on the free list or taken of as circumstances
might dictate。 Its advantages are many and various； and the practice of the
world tends to develop in this direction。 I think we may conclude that this
part of the Anarchists' system might well be adopted bit by bit； reaching
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gradually the full extension that they desire。
But as regards the second proposal； that there should be no obligation
to work； and no economic reward for work； the matter is much more
doubtful。 Anarchists always assume that if their schemes were put into
operation practically everyone would work； but although there is very
much more to be said for this view than most people would concede at
first sight； yet it is questionable whether there is enough to be said to make
it true for practical purposes。 Perhaps； in a community where industry had
become habitual through economic pressure； public opinion might be
sufficiently powerful to compel most men to work；＇44＇ but it is always
doubtful how far such a state of things would be permanent。 If public
opinion is to be really effective； it will be necessary to have some method
of dividing the community into small groups； and to allow each group to
consume only the equivalent of what it produces。 This will make the
economic motive operative upon the group； which； since we are supposing
it small； will feel that its collective share is appreciably diminished by
each idle individual。 Such a system might be feasible； but it would be
contrary to the whole spirit of Anarchism and would destroy the main lines
of its economic system。
＇44＇ ‘‘As to the so…often repeated objection that nobody would labor
if he were not compelled to do so by sheer necessity； we heard enough of
it before the emancipation of slaves in America； as well as before the
emancipation of serfs in Russia； and we have had the opportunity of
appreciating it at its just value。 So we shall not try to convince those who
can be convinced only by accomplished facts。 As to those who reason；
they ought to know that； if it really was so with some parts of humanity at
its lowest stagesand yet； what do we know about it？or if it is so with
some small communities； or separate individuals； brought to sheer despair
by ill…success in their struggle against unfavorable conditions； it is not so
with the bulk of the civilized nations。 With us； work is a habit； and
idleness an artificial growth。'' Kropotkin； ‘‘Anarchist Communism；'' p。 30。
The attitude of orthodox Socialism on this question is quite different
from that of Anarchism。＇45＇ Among the more immediate measures
advocated in the ‘‘Communist Manifesto'' is ‘‘equal liability of all to labor。
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Establishment of industrial armies； especially for agriculture。'' The
Socialist theory is that； in general； work alone gives the right to the
enjoyment of the produce of work。 To this theory there will； of course； be
exceptions： the old and the very young； the infirm and those whose work
is temporarily not required through no fault of their own。 But the
fundamental conception of Socialism； in regard to our present question； is
that all who can should be compelled to work； either by the threat of
starvation or by the operation of the criminal law。 And； of course； the only
kind of work recognized will be such as commends itself to the authorities。
Writing books against Socialism； or against any theory embodied in the
government of the day； would certainly not be recognized as work。 No
more would the painting of pictures in a different style from that of the
Royal Academy； or producing plays unpleasing to the censor。 Any new
line of thought would be banned； unless by influence or corruption the
thinker could crawl into the good graces of the pundits。 These results are
not foreseen by Socialists； because they imagine that the Socialist State
will be governed by men like those who now advocate it。 This is； of course；
a delusion。 The rulers of the State then will bear as little resemblance to
the pres… ent Socialists as the dignitaries of the Church after the time of
Constantine bore to the Apostles。 The men who advocate an unpopular
reform are exceptional in disinterestedness and zeal for the public good；
but those who hold power after the reform has been carried out are likely
to belong； in the main； to the ambitious executive type which has in all
ages possessed itself of the government of nations。 And this type has never
shown itself tolerant of opposition or friendly to freedom。
＇45＇ ‘‘While holding this synthetic view on production； the
Anarchists cannot consider； like the Collectivists； tha