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workers。''＇31＇ Mr。 Haywood； of the Western Federation of Miners； is an
out…and…out follower of Marx so far as concerns the class war and the
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doctrine of surplus value。 But； like all who are in this movement； he
attaches more importance to industrial as against political action than do
the European followers of Marx。 This is no doubt partly explicable by the
special circumstances of America； where the recent immigrants are apt to
be voteless。 The fourth convention of the I。 W。 W。 revised a preamble
giving the general principles underlying its action。 ‘‘The working class
and the employing class；'' they say； ‘‘have nothing in common。 There can
be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of the
working people and the few； who make up the employing class； have all
the good things of life。 Between these two classes； a struggle must go on
until the workers of the world organize as a class； take possession of the
earth and the machinery of production； and abolish the wage system。 。 。 。
Instead of the conservative motto； ‘A fair day's wages for a fair day's
work；' we must inscribe on our banner the revolutionary watchword；
‘Abolition of the wage system。' ''＇32＇
＇29＇ Quoted in Cole； ib。 p。 128。
＇30＇ Ib。； p。 135。
＇31＇ Brooks； op。 cit。； p。 79。
＇32＇ Brooks； op。 cit。； pp。 86…87。
Numerous strikes have been conducted or encouraged by the I。 W。 W。
and the Western Federation of Miners。 These strikes illustrate the class…
war in a more bitter and extreme form than is to be found in any other part
of the world。 Both sides are always ready to resort to violence。 The
employers have armies of their own and are able to call upon the Militia
and even； in a crisis； upon the United States Army。 What French
Syndicalists say about the State as a capitalist institution is peculiarly true
in America。 In consequence of the scandals thus arising； the Federal
Government appointed a Commission on Industrial Relations； whose
Report； issued in 1915； reveals a state of affairs such as it would be
difficult to imagine in Great Britain。 The report states that ‘‘the greatest
disorders and most of the outbreaks of violence in connection with
industrial ‘disputes arise from the violation of what are considered to be
fundamental rights； and from the perversion or subversion of
governmental institutions'' （p。 146）。 It mentions； among such perversions；
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the subservience of the judiciary to the mili… tary authorities；＇33＇ the fact
that during a labor dispute the life and liberty of every man within the
State would seem to be at the mercy of the Governor （p。 72）； and the use
of State troops in policing strikes （p。 298）。 At Ludlow （Colorado） in 1914
（April 20） a battle of the militia and the miners took place； in which； as the
result of the fire of the militia； a number of women and children were
burned to death。＇34＇ Many other instances of pitched battles could be
given； but enough has been said to show the peculiar character of labor
disputes in the United States。 It may； I fear； be presumed that this character
will remain so long as a very large proportion of labor consists of recent
immigrants。 When these difficulties pass away； as they must sooner or
later； labor will more and more find its place in the community； and will
tend to feel and inspire less of the bitter hostility which renders the more
extreme forms of class war possible。 When
that time comes； the labor movement in America will probably begin
to take on forms similar to those of Europe。
＇33＇ Although uniformly held that the writ of habeas corpus can only
be suspended by the legislature； in these labor disturbances the executive
has in fact suspended or disregarded the writ。 。 。 。 In cases arising from
labor agitations； the judiciary has uniformly upheld the power exercised
by the military； and in no case has there been any protest against the use of
such power or any attempt to curtail it； except in Montana； where the
conviction of a civilian by military commission was annulled'' （‘‘Final
Report of the Commission on Industrial Relations'' （1915） appointed by
the United States Congress；'' p。 58）。
＇34＇ Literary Digest； May 2 and May 16； 1914。
Meanwhile； though the forms are different； the aims are very similar；
and industrial unionism； spreading from America； has had a considerable
influence in Great Britainan influence naturally reinforced by that of
French Syndicalism。 It is clear； I think； that the adoption of industrial
rather than craft unionism is absolutely necessary if Trade Unionism is to
succeed in playing that part in altering the economic structure of society
which its advocates claim for it rather than for the political parties。
Industrial unionism organizes men； as craft unionism does not； in
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accordance with the enemy whom they have to fight。 English unionism is
still very far removed from the industrial form； though certain industries；
especially the railway men； have gone very far in this direction； and it is
notable that the railway men are peculiarly sympathetic to Syndicalism
and industrial unionism。
Pure Syndicalism； however； is not very likely to achieve wide
popularity in Great Britain。 Its spirit is too revolutionary and anarchistic
for our temperament。 It is in the modified form of Guild Socialism that the
ideas derived from the C。 G。 T。 and the I。 W。 W。 are tending to bear
fruit。＇35＇ This movement is as yet in its infancy and has no great hold
upon the rank and file； but it is being ably advocated by a group of young
men； and is rapidly gaining ground among those who will form Labor
opinion in years to come。 The power of the State has been so much
increased during the war that those who naturally dislike things as they are；
find it more and more difficult to believe that State omnipotence can be
the road to the millennium。 Guild Socialists aim at autonomy in industry；
with consequent curtailment； but not abolition； of the power of the State。
The system which they advocate is； I believe； the best hitherto proposed；
and the one most likely to secure liberty without the constant appeals to
violence which are to be feared under a purely Anarchist regime。
＇35＇ The ideas of Guild Socialism were first set forth in ‘‘National
Guilds；'' edited by A。 R。 Orage （Bell & Sons； 1914）； and in Cole's ‘‘World
of Labour'' （Bell & Sons）； first published in 1913。 Cole's ‘‘Self…
Government in Industry'' （Bell & Sons； 1917） and Rickett & Bechhofer's
‘‘The Meaning of National Guilds'' （Palmer & Hayward； 1918） should
also be read； as well as various pamphl